]").
For example, there is no contrast between [i] and [
] before [
], or between [u] and
[
], or [e] and [
]. Rogers argues that it
must be the tense vowel that occurs in this environment, assuming that all
vowels before [
]
must have the same tenseness and that diphthongs are tense.
There is in fact a great deal of dialect variability in this. In my own
speech, can only occur after lax vowels (or occur
syllabically):
| peer |
|
| pear |
|
| poor | or
|
| pour |
|
| par |
|
| purr |
|
] as a lax vowel.) [
] cannot occur after diphthongs, but must be syllabic in
a second syllable:
| pyre |
|
| power |
|
| naive |
|
| knife |
|
| employ |
|
| employee |
|
]
We could symbolize by putting the "velarized" diacritc after [l], but it's
a common enough sound to have a special symbol: [
].
Warning: Don't confuse this with the voiceless lateral fricative symbol, [].
Remember to try the calligraphy exercises in the back of Rogers.
- The dark (velarized) L symbol has a simple ~ squiggle through it. You have to take your pen off the page in order to write it.
- The voiceless lateral fricative symbol loops back and crosses itself. You can write it without taking your pen off the page.
Why would it make sense to use dark L after back vowels?
| house (verb) |
|
| house (noun) |
|
| eyes |
|
| ice |
|
Before voiceless consonants, the starting point of the diphthongs is
raised from [a] to [
].

Why does it make sense for this raising to happen before voiceless
consonants rather than before voiced?