p. 85

Algonquian

Leonard Bloomfield

§1.

The grouping of the Algonquian languages is uncertain, since most of them are scantily or poorly recorded. Following, in the main, Michelson, we may list them as follows:¹¹ Truman Michelson, Preliminary Report on the Linguistic Classification of Algonquian Tribes (28th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, 1912, pp. 221–290).

1. Central-Eastern:
   1. Central Type: Cree-Montagnais-Naskapi, Menomini, Fox-Sauk-Kickapoo, Shawnee, Peoria-Miami, Potawatomi, Ojibwa-Ottawa-Algonquin-Salteaux, Delaware, Powhatan.
   2. New England Type: Natick-Narragansett, Mohegan-Pequot, Penobscot-Abnaki, Passamaquoddy-Malecite, Micmac.
2. Blackfoot.
3. Cheyenne.
4. Arapaho-Atsina-Nawathinehena.

Two languages of California, Wiyot and Yurok, have been suspected of kinship with Algonquian.²² A. L. Kroeber, The Languages of the Coast of California North of San Francisco (University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 9, Berkeley, 1910–1911, pp. 384–412, and 414–426); Truman Michelson, Two Alleged Algonquian Languages of California (American Anthropologist, n.s., vol. 16, Lancaster, Pa., 1914, pp. 361–367) and Rejoinder [to Sapir] (American Anthropologist, n.s., vol. 17, Lancaster, Pa., 1915, pp. 194–198); Gladys Reichard, Wiyot Grammar and Texts (University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 22, Berkeley, 1925, pp. 1–215); Edward Sapir, The Algonkin Affinity of Yurok and Wiyot Kinship Terms (Journal de la Société des Américanistes, n.s., vol. 15, Paris, 1923, pp. 37–74); C. C. Uhlenbeck, Infigeering op het gebied der Algonkin-Talen (Mededeelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde, Ser. A., vol. 69, Amsterdam, 1930, pp. 111–116).

§2.

Our reconstructions are based, to begin with, on the four best-known languages: Fox, Cree, Menomini, and Ojibwa. Michelson’s brilliant study of the divergent western languages (Blackfoot, Cheyenne, and the Arapaho group), showed that these reconstructions will, in the main, fit all the languages and can accordingly be viewed as Proto-Algonquian.³³ Truman Michelson, Phonetic Shifts in Algonquian Languages (International Journal of American Linguistics, vol. 8, New York, 1935, pp. 131–171). Since then, however, Siebert has shown that F, C, M, O have all merged two consonant clusters, θk and xk, which p. 86 are distinct in Delaware and the New England languages;⁴⁴ Frank T. Siebert, Jr., Certain Proto-Algonquian Consonant Clusters (Language, vol. 17, Baltimore, 1941, pp. 298–303). for this feature, at any rate, an eastern language is necessary in the reconstruction of PA.⁵⁵ Forms are cited in uniform inflection; especially, verbs are cited in the third person singular independent indicative (transitive verbs with obviative object), except for Ojibwa transitive verbs, where we give the conjunct form, because there the independent indicative has been replaced by another inflection (§42). Often, therefore, the cited inflectional form has been made by me from stems recorded in some other form of the paradigm.

Starred forms or forms with hyphens at the beginning or end are Proto-Algonquian. (Etymologies are preceded by numbers in italics for reference.) Abbreviations: > = “became”; < = “coming from”; ~ = “is replaced in alternation by”; an. = “animate”; C = “Cree”; exc. = “exclusive”; F = “Fox”; inan. = “inanimate”; inc. = “inclusive”; intr. = “intransitive”; M = “Menomini”; O = “Ojibwa”; obv. = “obviative”; PA = “Proto-Algonquian”; pl. = “plural”; sg. = “singular”; tr. = “transitive”; V = “vowel.”

3–15. Sounds

§3.

PA had four vowels, each in short and long quantities: high front i, ii; low front e, ee; high back o, oo; low back a, aa.

We use the term nonsyllabic of any phoneme other than a vowel and of any sequence of phonemes not containing a vowel.

The PA vowel system is preserved in F; only initial PA e- > F i-, form 1313 *elenyiwa “man”: F ineniwa, C iyiniw, M ɛnɛɛniw, O inini, and F has a few assimilative (?) changes of short vowels, as in form 100100 *axkehkwa “kettle”: F ahkohkwa, C askihk, M ahkɛɛh (pl. kok), O akkikk.

PA i and e are merged to i in C and O.

PA i, ii are broken up in M into a high vowel, M i, ii and a mid vowel, M e, ee. Similarly, PA o, oo yield M u, uu and M o, oo. PA e appears in M partly as e (coinciding with e from PA i) and partly as a very open vowel, M ɛ. PA ee > M ɛɛ. Moreover, M has made complex but regular changes of vowel quantity.

Examples of PA vowels: 1 *aθemwa “dog”: Kickapoo anemwa, C atim, M anɛɛm, O anim. 2 *pemaatesiwa “he lives”: F pemaatesiwa, C pimaatisiw, M pemaatesew, O pimaatisi. 3 *seekesiwa “he is afraid”: F seekesiwa, C seekisiw, M sɛɛkesew, O seekisi. 4 *wentenamwa “he takes it from there”: F otenamwa, C ohtinam, M ohtɛɛnam, O ontinank.⁶⁶ The O form is in conjunct mode: “if he takes it from there”; cf. footnote 5. 5 *poosiwa “he embarks”: F poosiwa, C poosiw, M poosew, O poosi. 6 *kiiškahamwa “he chops it through”: F kiiškahamwa, C kiishakam, M keeskaham, O kiiškaqank.

§4.

Before syllabic vowels, PA i, o are nonsyllabic; we write y, w:⁷⁷ We use y, w because it is likely that in some of the languages the syllabic and nonsyllabic values are no longer mechanically determined. Also, we set up such theoretical elements as nyeeww- “four.” 7 *wiiyawi “his body”: F wiiyawi, C wiyaw, M weeyaw, O wiiyaw.

§5.

PA ya between consonants > F yee, O ii: 8 *aqsenyali “stones”: F asenyeeni, C asiniya, M aqsɛnyak (an. form), O assiniin.

PA yaa > F aa after č, š and C, O aa after all nonsyllabics. PA yaa, waa > M p. 87 ia, ua (falling diphthongs) after nonsyllabics when not shortened: 9 *neniičyaanehsa “my child”: F neniičaanesa, M neniičianɛh, O niniičaaniss. 10 *kyaataawa “he hides it”: C kaataaw, M kiataaw, O kaatoot; reshaped in F kyaatamwa.

PA yee > F ee after č, š; Cee after all nonsyllabics; M ii after all nonsyllabics; O ee after š, 8686 *ašyeenamwa “he pushes it back, rejects it”: C aseenam, M asiinam, O ašeenank, ii after other nonsyllabics: 11 *pyeetaawa “he brings it”: F pyeetoowa (inflectional ending reshaped), M piitaaw, O pitoot.

PA wee > M ii after nonsyllabic: 12 *pyeetweeweekesiwa “he comes with noise”: F pyeetweeweekesiwa, M piitiwɛɛkesew, O pitweeweekisi.

PA yi > i after nonsyllabic in all the languages for which we have data, but in M this i is distinct from e < PA i: 13 *elenyiwa “man”: F ineniwa, C iyiniw, M ɛnɛɛniw, O inini.

PA wi > F, O i after t, 1 (the exact conditions are obscured by new formations); C o, M i (o before w) after all nonysllabics: 14 *piintwikeewa “he enters a dwelling”: F piitikeewa, C piihtokeew, M piihtikɛw, O piintikee.⁸⁸ In setting up postconsonantal wi, yi for PA, we depart from earlier conclusions, which were prompted, at bottom, by the mistaken assumption that in PA l alternated with š.

PA yii > ii in all the languages for which we have data, but in M this ii is distinct from ee < PA ii: 15 *kešyiipisowa “he speeds”: M kesiipesow, O kišiipiso.

PA wii > M ii after nonsyllabic: 16 *kwiiθomeewa “he longs for him”: F kwiinomeewa, M kiinomɛw, O kwiinomaat.

In word initial, PA we > o in most of the languages, 44 *wentenamwa “he takes it from there”: F otenamwa, C ohtinam, M ohtɛɛnam, O ontinank.

§6.

The PA simple consonants were p, t, k, č, s, š, θ, l, m, n. The last three were voiced. The rest were voiceless, probably lenis; in some dialects of O they are largely voiced. Medial k is often voiced in F and C. In O, PA h appears as a glottal stop, for which we write q.

PA θ (unvoiced interdental or lateral?) and 1 coincide in most languages. Shawnee, Delaware, the Peoria group, and the New England languages have l. Blackfoot, Cheyenne, and Nawathinehena have t, coinciding with PA t; M, F, O, and Potawatomi have n, coinciding with PA n, but differing from the latter in morphologic treatment, §20. The remaining languages distinguish as follows:

	PA θ	PA l
Atsina	t	n
Arapaho (except Atsina and Nawathinehena)	θ	l
Cree-Montagnais	t	y

Northern C dialects represent PA 1 variously by n, l, r, or by an interdental voiced spirant.

C has PA t, θ > č originally in diminutives, secondarily also in some other forms.⁹⁹ Recognition of this fact dispenses with the cluster θš formerly set up for PA.

C and M merge PA s and š in s, an intermediate sound. PA s > Shawnee θ.

The consonants appear in 11 *aθemwa “dog”: Kickapoo anemwa, C atim, M anɛɛm, O anim to 1616 *kwiiθomeewa “he longs for him”: F kwiinomeewa, M kiinomɛw, O kwiinomaat.

p. 88

§7.

Clusters of two consonants occur medially. They consist of ordinary consonants preceded by obscure elements which we render by arbitrary symbols.

Where northern O dialects represent the prior element of a cluster as h, there most O dialects have a fortis or ambisyllabic unvoiced consonant, e.g., PA hs > northern O hs, general O ss.

§8.

Clusters with second member p:

PA	F	C	M	O
mp	p	hp	hp	mp
hp	?	hp	hp	pp
xp	hp	sp	hp	pp
čp	?	sp	čp	pp
šp	hp	sp	sp	šp

17 *wempenamwa “he lifts it up”: C ohpinam, O ompinank: compare F opaaškeewi "it flies up” and M ohpɛɛqnen “it is blown upward.” 18 *koohpačiheewa “he ruins him”: C koohpačiheew, M koohpačehɛɛw, O kooppačihaat. 19 *axpeelemowa “he places reliance”: F ahpeenemowa, C aspeeyimow, M ahpɛɛnemow, O appeenimo. 20 *noočpinatamwa “he pursues it”: C noospinatam, O nooppinatank; compare M noočpenɛɛhtaw. 21 *ešpemenki “up above”: F ahpemeki, C ispimihk, O išpimink; reshaped M espɛɛmiah (<-iiwenki).

§9.

Clusters with second member t:

PA	F	C	M	O
nt	t	ht	ht	nt
ht	ht	ht	ht	tt
qt	ht	st	qt	tt
št	?	st	?	št

For nt, see 44 *wentenamwa “he takes it from there”: F otenamwa, C ohtinam, M ohtɛɛnam, O ontinank. 22 *ešihtaawa “he makes it so”: F išihtoowa (ending reshaped), C isiihtaaw, M eseehtaw, O išittoot. 23 *peqtenamwa “he takes it by error”: C pistinam, M pɛqtɛnam, O pittinank; compare F pehtenaweewa “he shoots him by error.” 24 *weštikwaani “his head”: C ostikwaan, O oštikwaan.

§10.

Clusters with second member k:

PA	F	C	M	O
nk	k	hk	hk	nk
hk	hk	hk	hk	kk
xk	hk	sk	hk	kk	Delaware hVk, New England hk
θk	hk	sk	hk	kk	Delaware xk, New England sk
çk	šk	hk	hk	sk	Northern Cree htk1010 The fuss and trouble behind my note in Language (Vol. 4, pp. 99–100, 1928) would have been avoided if I had listened to O, which plainly distinguishes sk (< PA çk) from šk (< PA šk); instead, I depended on printed records which failed to show the distinction.
čk	hk	sk	čk	šk
šk	šk	sk	sk	šk

p. 89

25 *tankeškaweewa “he kicks him”: F takeškaweewa, C tahkiskaweew, M tahkɛɛskawɛw, O tankiškawaat. 26 *noohkomehsa “my grandmother”: F noohkomesa, C noohkom (without diminutive suffix), M noohkomɛh, O nookkomiss. 27 *axkyi “earth, land”: F ahki, C askiy, M ahkeew (ending reshaped), O akki, Penobscot kki (nətahki “my land”). 28 *nemeθkawaawa “I find him”: F nemehkawaawa, C nimiskawaaw, M nemɛɛhkawaw, O nimikkawaa, Penobscot nəməskawα. 29 *meçkosiwa “he is red”: F meškosiwa, C mihkosiw (Swampy Cree mihtkosiw), O miskosi; compare M mɛhkoon. 30 *nooçkwaatamwa “he licks it”: F nooškwaatamwa, C noohkwaatam, M nuuhkwatam, O nooskwaatank. 31 *nalakačkwi “my palate”: C nayakašk; the first syllable is reshaped in M nenaakačkon (plural only), O ninakašk; compare M kakiipanakačkow “he is dumb.” 32 *kečkyeewa “he is old”: F kehkyeewa, M kečkiiw. šk in 2525 *tankeškaweewa “he kicks him”: F takeškaweewa, C tahkiskaweew, M tahkɛɛskawɛw, O tankiškawaat.

There were perhaps other clusters with k. M has qk, as in poohkeqkow “he is one-eyed.” There are quite a few discrepant sets, but some of them are doubtless due to reshaping of words in one or another language: F eemehkwaahi “spoon,” C eemihkwaan, O eemikkwaan, but M ɛɛmeskwan; F nehtooškwani “my elbow,” M nɛhtuuhkwan, O nintooskwan, but C nitooskwan; M kayaah “gull” (plural kayaahkok), but O kayaašk.¹¹¹¹ James A. Geary, Proto-Algonquian *çk: Further Examples (Language, vol. 17, p. 307, 1941) shows what may lie behind some of the apparent discrepancies.

§11.

Clusters with second member č:

PA	F	C	M	O
nč	č	hč	hč	nč
hč	hč	hč	hč	čč
qč	hč	sč	qč	čč

33 *wenčiiwa “he comes from there”: F očiiwa, C ohčiiw, M ohčeew, O ončii. 34 *ešihčikeewa “he makes things so”: F išihčikeewa, C isiihčikeew, M eseehčekɛw, O išiččikee. 35 *keqči “big, much”: F kehči, C kisči, M kɛɛqč, O kičči.

§12.

Clusters with second member s:

PA	F	C	M	O
ns	s	s	hs	ns
hs	s	s	hs	ss
qs	s	s	qs	ss

36 *wensaapameewa “he sees him from there”: F osaapameewa, C osaapameew, M ohsaapamɛw, O onsaapamaat. 37 *nemihsa “my elder sister”: F nemiseeha (diminutive), C nimis, M nemeeh (pl. nemeehsak), O nimisseenq (diminutive). 38 *nekwiqsa “my son”: F nekwisa, C nikosis (diminutive), M nekiiqs, O ninkwiss.

p. 90

§13.

Clusters with second member š.

PA	F	C	M	O
nš	š	s	hs	nš
hš	š	s	hs	šš
qš	š	s	qs	šš

39 *neškiinšekwi “my eye”: F neškiišekwi, C niskiisik, M neskeehsek, O niškiinšik. 40 *wemehšoomehsali “his grandfather”: F omešoomesani, C omosooma (without diminutive suffix), M omɛɛhsomɛɛhsan, O omiššomissan. 41 *kawenkwaqšiwa “he is sleepy”: F kawekwašiwa, C kawihkwasiw, M kakuuhkwaqsew (reduplicated and contracted, §19), O kawinkwašši.

§14.

Clusters with second member θ.

PA	F	C	M	O
nθ	?	ht	hn	n
hθ	s	ht	hn	ss
qθ	s	st	qn	ss

42 *wanahanθeewa “he loses the trail of him”: C wanahahteew, M wawaanahaahnɛw (reduplicated); compare O pimaqanaat “he tracks him” (with root pem-). 43 *ešihθenwi “it falls or lies thus”: F išisenwi, C isihtin, M eseehnen, O išissin. 44 *koqθeewa “he fears him”: F koseewa, C kosteew, M koqnɛw, O kossaat.

§15.

Clusters with second member l.

PA	F	C	M	O
nl	n	hy	hn	n
hl	s	hy	hn	ss
ql	s	hy	qn	ss

In C hy, the h or the y mostly drops; the conditions have been obscured by leveling.

45 *wiinleewa “he names him”: F wiineewa, C wiiheew, M weehnɛw, O wiinaat. 46 *leehleewa “he breathes”: F neeseewa “he is saved,” C yeehyeew “he breathes,” M nɛɛhnɛw, O neessee. 47 *aqleewa “he places him”: F aseewa, C aheew, M aqnɛw, O assaat.

16–24. Internal combination

§16.

In the combination of wordforming elements, when an element ending in a nonsyllabic is followed by an element beginning with a consonant or cluster, a connective -i- appears between them. Thus, the root poon- “cease” combines directly with a suffix like -eele “think”: 48 *pooneelemeewa “he stops thinking of him”: F pooneenemeewa, C pooneeyimeew, M poonɛɛnemɛw, O pooneenimaat. Similarly, a root like kiihkaa- “berate” combines directly with a suffix such as -m p. 91 “act by speech on an animate object”: 49 *kiihkaameewa “he berates him”: C kiihkaameew, M keehkamɛw, O kiikkaamaat. But when poon- combines with -m, the connective -i- appears between them: 50 *poonimeewa “he stops talking to him”: F poonimeewa, C poonimeew, M poonemɛw, O poonimaat.

§17.

Irregularly, in certain combinations, the connective -i- is not used before p, t, k. In these combinations, t-p, θ-p ~ xp; t-k ~ θk; nasal is assimilated as to position. Our examples show first the root eθ- “thither, thus” before a suffix with initial vowel, then the suffix -pahtoo “run” preceded by connective -i-, and then the irregular combination of eθ- with -pahtoo: 51 *eθahkamikesia “he carries on so”: F inahkamikesiwa, C itahkamikisiw, M enaahkamekɛsew, O inakkamikisi; 52 *pemipahtaawa “he runs by”: C pimipahtaaw, M pemeepahtaw, O pimipattoo (inflection reshaped); compare F pemipahowa; 53 *expahtaawa “he runs thither”: C ispahtaaw, M ehpaahtaw, O ippattoo; compare F ihpahowa. The root atoot- “on something,” as in M atootapew “he sits on something,” combines thus with -po “eat”: 54 *atooxpowa “he eats from upon something”: F atoohpowa, C atoospow, M atoohpow, O atooppo. The root wiit- “along, with,” §103, combines with a unique suffix -pee “sleep”: 55 *wiixpeewa “he sleeps with someone”: F wiihpeewa, M weehpɛw; *weexpeemeewa “he sleeps with him”: F wiihpeemeewa, M weehpemɛw; but C has here hp (loanword?): wiihpeemeew. Our next examples show first a verb stem in t, then the ending -ki after a verb stem in vowel, and then the combination, always made without connective -i-, of a verb stem in t with the ending -ki: 56 *kiišekatwi “it is day”: F kiišekatwi, M keesekat, O kiišikat; 57 *aqteeki “when it is there”: F ahteeki, C asteek, M aqtɛk, O atteek; 58 *kiišekaθki “when it is day”: F kiišekahki, M keesekah, O kiišikakk.

Similarly after n: 59 *kemiwanwi “it rains”: C, O kimiwan, M kemeewan; 60 *kemiwanki “when it rains”: C kimiwahk, M kemeewah, O kimiwank.

§18.

Between consonants, ye~i and we~o. Thus, the local suffix of nouns is -enki-: 61 *wiikenki “at his house”: F owiikeki, C wiikihk, M weekeh. With the noun stem aqseny-, 88 *aqsenyali “stones”: F asenyeeni, C asiniya, M aqsɛnyak (an. form), O assiniin: 62 *aqseninki “on the stone”: F aseniki, M aqsɛneh. On a noun in consonant plus w is appears as follows: 63 *meqtekwi “stick”: F mehtekwi, C mistik (pl. -wa), M mɛqtek (pl. -wan), O mittik (pl. -oon); 64 *meqtekonki “on a stick or tree”: F mehtekoki, C mistikohk, M mɛqtekoh, O mittikonk.

After consonants, wiiw~oow, as illustrated in §67.

In all positions, apparently, woo~oo. Thus, the prefixes ne- of the first person and we- of the third appear as n-, w- before ii: 65 *niiyawi “my body”: F niiyawi, C niyaw, M neeyaw, O niiyaw; *wiiyawi “his body,” 77 *wiiyawi “his body”: F wiiyawi, C wiyaw, M weeyaw, O wiiyaw; but as n- and zero in *noohkomehsa “my grandmother,” 2626 *noohkomehsa “my grandmother”: F noohkomesa, C noohkom (without diminutive suffix), M noohkomɛh, O nookkomiss, and 66 *oohkomehsali “his grandmother”: F oohkomesani, C oohkoma, M oohkomɛɛhsan, O ookkomissa.

After consonant plus w, y is dropped; thus, with suffix -yaa: 67 *tahkyaaki “when it is cool”: F tahkyaaki, C tahkaak, O takkaak; reshaped M tahkiik (representing p. 92 -yee, transferred from a different inflectional form); 68 *meçkwaaki “when it is red”: F meškwaaki, C mihkwaak, O miskwaak; reshaped in M mɛhkiik.

§19.

Irregularly, in certain forms, awe~aa before t, k, s, and ~oo before other consonants. This contraction always takes place when the e begins an inflectional ending. We illustrate first the endings -ekwa “he—me” and -eθene “I—thee,” then a verb stem ending in aw, and then its combination with these endings: 69 *newaapamekwa “he looks at me”: F newaapamekwa, C, O niwaapamiik, M newaapamek; 70 *kewaapameθene “I look at thee”: C kewaapamitin; the other languages have haplologic forms: F kewaapamene, M kewaapamen, O kiwaapamin; 71 *newiintamawaawa “I tell it to him”: F newiitamawaawa, C niwiihtamawaaw, M neweehtamowaaw, O niwiintamawaa; 72 *newiintamaakwa “he tells it to me”: F newiitamaakwa, C niwiihtamaak, M neweehtamak, O niwiintamaak; 73 *kewiintamooθene “I tell it to thee”: F kewiitamoone, M keweehtamon, O kewiintamoon (all haplologic); C kiwiihtamaatin has analogic aa for oo.

In general, however, the sequence awe is undisturbed: 74 *kaweneewa “he prostrates him by hand”: F kaweneewa, C kawineew, M kawɛɛnɛɛw, O kawinaat.

M has various other contractions of Vwe; some may date from PA.

§20.

Before i, ii, y, PA t~č and θ~š: 75 *pemaačiheewa “he makes him live, restores him to life”: C pimaačiheew, M pemaačehɛw, O pimaačiqaat; compare pemaat-, 22 *pemaatesiwa “he lives”: F pemaatesiwa, C pimaatisiw, M pemaatesew, O pimaatisi. 76 *pyeečimeewa “he calls him hither”: C peečimeew, M piičemɛw; compare pyeet-, 1212 *pyeetweeweekesiwa “he comes with noise”: F pyeetweeweekesiwa, M piitiwɛɛkesew, O pitweeweekisi. 77 *piinčihšinwa “he falls into an enclosed place”: C piihčisin, M peehcehsen; compare piint-, 1414 *piintwikeewa “he enters a dwelling”: F piitikeewa, C piihtokeew, M piihtikɛw, O piintikee. Similarly, compare went-, 44 *wentenamwa “he takes it from there”: F otenamwa, C ohtinam, M ohtɛɛnam, O ontinank, and wenč-ii-, 3333 *wenčiiwa “he comes from there”: F očiiwa, C ohčiiw, M ohčeew, O ončii; -htoo-, -htaa-, 2222 *ešihtaawa “he makes it so”: F išihtoowa (ending reshaped), C isiihtaaw, M eseehtaw, O išittoot, with -hč-i-kee, 3434 *ešihčikeewa “he makes things so”: F išihčikeewa, C isiihčikeew, M eseehčekɛw, O išiččikee. 78 *miikaaθeewa “he fights him”: F miikaaneewa, M meekaanɛɛw, O miikaanaat; 79 *miikaaši “fight thou him”: F miikaaši, M meekaasin (extended by particle *na or otherwise reshaped), O miikaaš. With eθ-, 5151 *eθahkamikesia “he carries on so”: F inahkamikesiwa, C itahkamikisiw, M enaahkamekɛsew, O inakkamikisi, compare eš-i-, 2222 *ešihtaawa “he makes it so”: F išihtoowa (ending reshaped), C isiihtaaw, M eseehtaw, O išittoot, 4343 *ešihθenwi “it falls or lies thus”: F išisenwi, C isihtin, M eseehnen, O išissin.

This alternation distinguishes n < PA θ, in F, M, O, and Potawatomi, from n < PA n. Thus, the imperative “thou—him” form of a stem like kawen-, 7474 *kaweneewa “he prostrates him by hand”: F kaweneewa, C kawineew, M kawɛɛnɛɛw, O kawinaat, keeps n before i: 80 *kaweni “lay thou him prostrate”: F kaweni, C, O kawin, M kawɛɛnen. These languages, however, have extended the alternation analogically to forms with n < PA l: 81 *miileewa “he gives it to him”: F miineewa, C miyeew (Woodland C miineew), M meenɛɛw, O miinaat; compare Shawnee nimiila “I give it to him”; 82 *miili “give thou it to him”: C miyi (Woodland C miini), Shawnee miili; but reshaped in F miiši, M meesen, O miiš.

§21.

Irregularly, in certain forms, PA t~s before aa and e; so always before the suffixes -ehk “by foot” and -aap “look.” Thus, compare went-, 44 *wentenamwa “he takes it from there”: F otenamwa, C ohtinam, M ohtɛɛnam, O ontinank, with wensaap-, 3636 *wensaapameewa “he sees him from there”: F osaapameewa, C osaapameew, M ohsaapamɛw, O onsaapamaat.

The same alternation appears in the sequence iitii~iisii: 83 *miitenkwaamwa “he defecates in his sleep”: C miitihkwaamiw (ending reshaped), M miitehkwamow (ending reshaped), O miitinkwaam; 84 *miisiiwa “he defecates”: F miisiiwa, C miisiiw, M meeseew, O miisii.

p. 93

§22.

A short vowel drops before or after a long vowel. Thus, the prefix ne-, 99 *neniičyaanehsa “my child”: F neniičaanesa, M neniičianɛh, O niniičaaniss, 2828 *nemeθkawaawa “I find him”: F nemehkawaawa, C nimiskawaaw, M nemɛɛhkawaw, O nimikkawaa, Penobscot nəməskawα, 3737 *nemihsa “my elder sister”: F nemiseeha (diminutive), C nimis, M nemeeh (pl. nemeehsak), O nimisseenq (diminutive), appears as n- where it is added to ii-, 6565 *niiyawi “my body”: F niiyawi, C niyaw, M neeyaw, O niiyaw, and to oo-, 2626 *noohkomehsa “my grandmother”: F noohkomesa, C noohkom (without diminutive suffix), M noohkomɛh, O nookkomiss; similarly, we-, 2424 *weštikwaani “his head”: C ostikwaan, O oštikwaan, 4040 *wemehšoomehsali “his grandfather”: F omešoomesani, C omosooma (without diminutive suffix), M omɛɛhsomɛɛhsan, O omiššomissan, appears as w- before ii-, 77 *wiiyawi “his body”: F wiiyawi, C wiyaw, M weeyaw, O wiiyaw, 6161 *wiikenki “at his house”: F owiikeki, C wiikihk, M weekeh, and as zero before oo-, 6666 *oohkomehsali “his grandmother”: F oohkomesani, C oohkoma, M oohkomɛɛhsan, O ookkomissa. The suffix -en “by hand,” 7474 *kaweneewa “he prostrates him by hand”: F kaweneewa, C kawineew, M kawɛɛnɛɛw, O kawinaat, loses its vowel after such roots as nakaa- “stop,” ašyee- “back”: 85 *nakaaneewa “he stops him by hand”: C nakaaneew, M nakaanɛɛw, O nakaanaat; 86 *ašyeenamwa “he pushes it back, rejects it”: C aseenam, M asiinam, O ašeenank.

§23.

Between long vowels the sound y is inserted, at least if one is a front vowel. Thus, F has pemaamowa “he flees by,” but ašeeyaamowa “he flees back”; and M has pemɛɛqnen “it is blown by,” but asiiyɛɛqnen “it is blown back.”

§24.

In word final position, PA apparently shortened long vowels: F nepaate “if he sleeps,” stem nepaa-, but, with zero ending, nenepa “I sleep.”

25. The word

§25.

In PA the word began with a vowel or with a simple nonsyllabic or with consonant plus y, w. Between the vowels of a word there was a semivowel, or a consonant, or a cluster, or one of these followed by y or w. The word ended in a short vowel. The vowel of the first syllable was never i.

Members of compound words were treated phonetically like words.

Before an initial vowel of the next word or compound-member, the final vowel dropped or else h was inserted: F pešekesiw-owiiwina, pešekesiwih-owiiwina “deer-horn.”

Many of the languages (not F, Shawnee, Peoria) lost the final vowel as well as a preceding postconsonantal w, l. M and O lost also a preceding postconsonantal y, but C has iy: 87 *aqsenya “stone”: F asenya, C asiniy, M aqsɛn, O assin. C lost also a preceding h or l, 88 *aqsenyali “stones”: F asenyeeni, C asiniya, M aqsɛnyak (an. form), O assiniin.¹²¹² Actually, all final vowels of C have an h-like off-glide. M further lost all but the first sound of a preceding cluster, 99 *neniičyaanehsa “my child”: F neniičaanesa, M neniičianɛh, O niniičaaniss, except qč, qs, 3535 *keqči “big, much”: F kehči, C kisči, M kɛɛqč, O kičči.

However, in two-syllable words with short vowels (C also in others) these languages keep the final intact, M adding h: 88 *ehkwa “louse”: F, C ihkwa, M ehkuah, O ikkwa. 89 *nepyi “water”: F nepi, C nipiy, O nimpi; reshaped M nepeew.

Most types of O insert a nasal after initial m, n, plus short vowel before a simple stop, 3838 *nekwiqsa “my son”: F nekwisa, C nikosis (diminutive), M nekiiqs, O ninkwiss, 8989 *nepyi “water”: F nepi, C nipiy, O nimpi; reshaped M nepeew, but not, apparently, in nak-, 8585 *nakaaneewa “he stops him by hand”: C nakaaneew, M nakaanɛɛw, O nakaanaat.

Particles which precede nouns and verbs in composition keep their final vowel (mostly it is the particle final suffix -i) not only in F and Shawnee, but also in C and O; in M they are treated like other words. 90 *weepi “begin”: F weepi-pyeetoseewa “he starts to walk hither,” M wɛɛp-piitohnɛw, O weepi-kimiwan “it starts to rain.” 91 *meeqči “to exhaustion”: C meešci-nipaheew “he kills them all,” M nemɛɛqč-aqsekɛnan “I pick it all up.” 92 *weški “new”: C oski-wiikihtowak “they are newly married,” M oskeeh-weekehtowak.

p. 94

26–29. Inflection

§26.

The inflectional types are noun, verb (in four subtypes), and (uninflected) particle, including pronouns.

Nouns are in two gender classes, inanimate and animate; the latter includes all persons, animals, spirits, and large trees, and some other objects, such as tobacco, maize, apple, raspberry (but not strawberry), calf of leg (but not thigh), stomach, spittle, feather, bird’s tail, horn, kettle, pipe for smoking, snowshoe.

Number is singular and plural.

Person is first, second, and third, with distinction of exclusive and inclusive first person plural: M netaanenaw “our daughter” (parent speaking to another person), ketaanen “our daughter” (one parent speaking to the other). If an animate third person occurs in a phrase, any other animate third person and any inanimate verb in this phrase has a distinguishing form, the obviative. Thus, C, talking about a chief (okimaaw): okimaaw iskweewa kitoteew “the chief talks to a woman,” okimaaw iskweewa kitotik “a woman talks to the chief,” where iskweewa is the obviative of iskweew “woman”; okimaaw nikitotaaw “I speak to the chief,” okimaaw okosisa nikitotimaawa “I speak to the chief’s son,” tipiskaaw “it was dark,” eeh-takohteet tipiskaayiw “when he arrived it was dark.” A few inflectional forms distinguish a nearer and a farther obviative: C okimaaw oteema “the chief’s horse (obv.),” okimaaw okosisa oteemiyiwah “the chief’s son’s (obv.) horse (farther obv.).” C, M, and most O dialects have lost the distinction of number in the obviative; in C this is due to phonetic development. In general, the finer distinctions of obviation (such as transitive verb forms for “I—obv.,” “thou—obv.,” “obv—me,” and so on) have been lost in most of the languages; C and O best preserve them.

§27.

The noun is inflected for number, with different endings for the two genders; the animate noun also for obviation and for address. All inflected forms, except unpossessed nouns, contain personal-anaphoric reference (by gender, person, and number) to some object: possessed nouns to a possessor, verbs (except in the passive) to an actor, transitive verbs also to a goal-object. These can be named specifically by words in cross-reference: M okeemaaw otaanan “(the chief his-daughter), the chief’s daughter”; nenah nenɛɛwaaw enoh okeemaaw “I I-see-him that chief (as for me, I see the chief).”

Verbs are intransitive and transitive. The former are divided into those which refer to an animate actor, animate intransitive verbs, M paapɛhcen “he falls,” and those which refer to an inanimate actor, inanimate intransitive verbs, M paapɛhnɛn “it falls.” Transitive verbs are divided into those which refer to an animate goal, transitive animate verbs, M nemuawak “I eat them” (as, anoohkanak “raspberries,” animate) and those which refer to an inanimate goal, transitive inanimate verbs, M nemeečenan “I eat them” (as, atɛɛhemenan “strawberries,” inanimate).

p. 95

However, some intransitive verbs are used habitually with implied goals thus M menuah “he drinks (it)” is intr. in form, but in general makes sense only with a pseudo-object: nepeew menuah “he drinks some water,” and M netooweematem “I have a friend” is freely used also with a pseudo-object: čaan netooweematem “I have John as a friend.” About half the tr. an. verbs are matched not by tr. inan. verbs, but by pseudo-transitive verbs, namely intr. verbs formed mostly with the suffixes -too, -htoo and taking implied objects: F wiikiyaapyeeni ašihtoowa “he builds houses,” where the verb is intr. in form. Some of the languages, however, as M and O, have reshaped these verbs into a special tr. inan. type. Some tr. an. verbs (double-goal verbs) imply a second goal in addition to the one for which they are inflected: M soopomah enɛɛsenamaaq “hand me the sugar,” where the verb is inflected for “thou—me,” but its structure implies a second goal, here soopomah “sugar.”

Conversely, some tr. inan. verbs refer to no identifiable object, but have a merely formal goal: M noqnonam “he swims”; also M nemaamiiqtɛhkooskanan “I go bare-legged,” with the formal goal in plural inflection. These forms, too, have been reshaped in O.

§28.

There are four inflectional prefixes. Three of them, ke- “thou,” ne- “I,” we- “he, it,” appear on both noun and verb. The fourth, me-, appears only on certain nouns, §32. Where more than one person is involved as possessor, actor, or goal, the preference is in the order given; thus “we inc.” has ke-, but “we exc.” has ne-; tr. forms for “I—thee” and “thou—me” both have ke-: M kenian “I see thee,” kenɛɛwem “thou seest me.”

The prefixes add t before a vowel: 93 *netaqlaawa “I place him”: F netasaawa, C nitahyaa, M netaaqnaw, O nintassaa; compare *aqleewa “he places him,” 4747 *aqleewa “he places him”: F aseewa, C aheew, M aqnɛw, O assaat; contrast *nemeθkawaawa “I find him,” 2828 *nemeθkawaawa “I find him”: F nemehkawaawa, C nimiskawaaw, M nemɛɛhkawaw, O nimikkawaa, Penobscot nəməskawα. However, before the vowels of certain stems no t was added, 77 *wiiyawi “his body”: F wiiyawi, C wiyaw, M weeyaw, O wiiyaw, 2626 *noohkomehsa “my grandmother”: F noohkomesa, C noohkom (without diminutive suffix), M noohkomɛh, O nookkomiss, 3131 *nalakačkwi “my palate”: C nayakašk; the first syllable is reshaped in M nenaakačkon (plural only), O ninakašk; compare M kakiipanakačkow “he is dumb.” (where C probably preserves the old form), 6161 *wiikenki “at his house”: F owiikeki, C wiikihk, M weekeh, 6565 *niiyawi “my body”: F niiyawi, C niyaw, M neeyaw, O niiyaw, 6666 *oohkomehsali “his grandmother”: F oohkomesani, C oohkoma, M oohkomɛɛhsan, O ookkomissa.

§29.

Among endings common to noun and verb are those of the third person: an. sg. -a, pl. -aki, obv. sg. -ali, pl. -ahi; inan. sg. -i, pl. -ali: F ineniwa “man,” ineniwaki “men”; ineniwani “(other) man,” ineniwahi “(other) men”; miišaami “sacred bundle,” miišaamani “sacred bundles.”

30–32. Inflection of the noun

§30.

In addition to the forms just cited, the an. noun has forms for address: F ineniwe “man!” ineniwetike “men!”

The noun makes possessed themes, which are then inflected like unpossessed nouns, except that an an. noun with third person an. possessor is necessarily obviative. Possessed themes take a suffix -em. Thus *ehkwa “louse,” 8888 *ehkwa “louse”: F, C ihkwa, M ehkuah, O ikkwa, gives rise to forms like the following: 94 *netehkoma “my louse”: F netehkoma, C nitihkom, M netɛɛhkom, O nintikkom; 95 *ketehkomaki “thy lice”: F ketehkomaki, C p. 96 kitihkomak, M ketɛɛhkomak, O kitikkomak; 96 *wetehkomali “his louse”: F ohtehkomani, C otihkoma, M otɛɛkhoman, O otikkoman; 97 *wetehkomahi “his lice”: F otehkomahi, C otihkoma, O (Lake Superior) otihkomaq; M and most O dialects use the singular form for both numbers.

The forms for plural possessor add -enaan for the first person, -waaw- for the second and third: F ketehkomenaanaki “our (inc.) lice,” ketehkomwaawaki “your lice,” otehkomwaawahi “their lice.” An obv. possessor is indicated by -eliw: C otihkomiyiwa “the other’s (sg. or pl.) louse or lice.”

§31.

There are many irregularities in the formation of possessed themes. Some do not take -em; so especially the abstract nouns derived from verbs with the suffix -n and various extensions of it: 98 *pemaatesiweni “life”: F pemaatesiweni, C, O pimaatisiwin, M pemaatesewen; 99 *wepemaatesiweni “his life”: F opemaatesiweni, C, O opimaatisiwin, M opɛɛmaatesewen. Also, certain objects of intimate possession do not take -em: 100 *axkehkwa “kettle”: F ahkohkwa, C askihk, M ahkɛɛh (pl. kok), O akkikk; 101 *netaxkehkwa “my kettle”: F netahkohkwa, C nitaskihk, M netaahkɛh, O nintakkikk.

§32.

Certain stems, dependent nouns, occur only in possessed form, nearly all without -em.

One type, denoting parts of the body and a few intimate possessions, uses the prefix me- for an indefinite personal possessor; so 2424 *weštikwaani “his head”: C ostikwaan, O oštikwaan, 3131 *nalakačkwi “my palate”: C nayakašk; the first syllable is reshaped in M nenaakačkon (plural only), O ninakašk; compare M kakiipanakačkow “he is dumb.”, 3939 *neškiinšekwi “my eye”: F neškiišekwi, C niskiisik, M neskeehsek, O niškiinšik, 6161 *wiikenki “at his house”: F owiikeki, C wiikihk, M weekeh; 102 *keteehi “thy heart”: F keteehi, C kitee, M ketɛɛh, O kiteeq; compare M metɛɛh “a (human) heart,” metɛɛhyan “(human) hearts.” The form with third person singular possessor is used as an indefinite possessor form for parts of animals’ bodies: M otɛɛh “his heart, its heart; an animals heart (as, at the butcher’s),” otɛɛhyan “animals’ hearts,” contrasting with otɛɛhowawan “their hearts.” Some languages, such as O, have lost the form with me-.

The other class of dependent nouns, terms of relationship, have no form with me-, but use verbal derivatives, §82. Thus, beside *nekwiqsa “my son,” 3838 *nekwiqsa “my son”: F nekwisa, C nikosis (diminutive), M nekiiqs, O ninkwiss, there are such derived forms as M okiiqsemaw “a son, the son,” wɛɛkiqset “one who has a son.” Examples in 2626 *noohkomehsa “my grandmother”: F noohkomesa, C noohkom (without diminutive suffix), M noohkomɛh, O nookkomiss, 3737 *nemihsa “my elder sister”: F nemiseeha (diminutive), C nimis, M nemeeh (pl. nemeehsak), O nimisseenq (diminutive), 4040 *wemehšoomehsali “his grandfather”: F omešoomesani, C omosooma (without diminutive suffix), M omɛɛhsomɛɛhsan, O omiššomissan, 6666 *oohkomehsali “his grandmother”: F oohkomesani, C oohkoma, M oohkomɛɛhsan, O ookkomissa. Some of these have irregular forms for address: 103 *noohko “O my grandmother”: F anoohko, C noohko, M nohkoq, O nookko; compare 2626 *noohkomehsa “my grandmother”: F noohkomesa, C noohkom (without diminutive suffix), M noohkomɛh, O nookkomiss.

Some dependent nouns have irregularities of prefixation. Some of the stems begin with a cluster, impossible in word initial, 2424 *weštikwaani “his head”: C ostikwaan, O oštikwaan, 3939 *neškiinšekwi “my eye”: F neškiišekwi, C niskiisik, M neskeehsek, O niškiinšik. Some that begin with ii do not add t to the prefixes, 77 *wiiyawi “his body”: F wiiyawi, C wiyaw, M weeyaw, O wiiyaw, 6161 *wiikenki “at his house”: F owiikeki, C wiikihk, M weekeh, 6565 *niiyawi “my body”: F niiyawi, C niyaw, M neeyaw, O niiyaw; 104 *niiθemwa “my sister-in-law (man speaking), my brother-in-law (woman speaking)”: F niinemwa, C niitim, M neenem, O niinim. Three terms of relationship have initial oo with the same peculiarity: *noohkomehsa 2626 *noohkomehsa “my grandmother”: F noohkomesa, C noohkom (without diminutive suffix), M noohkomɛh, O nookkomiss, 6666 *oohkomehsali “his grandmother”: F oohkomesani, C oohkoma, M oohkomɛɛhsan, O ookkomissa; 105 *oohθali “his father”: F oosani, C oohtaawiya (reshaped), M oohnan, O oossan; 106 *noohšihsema “my grandchild”: F noošisema, C noosisim, M noohsehsɛh (diminutive -ehs replacing -em), O koošiss (-em lacking). In PA, t was absent also in some that began with other vowels; C has many traces of this, as in 3131 *nalakačkwi “my palate”: C nayakašk; the first syllable is reshaped in M nenaakačkon (plural only), O ninakašk; compare M kakiipanakačkow “he is dumb.”.

p. 97

Dependent nouns are formable from the pseudo-root -iit- and by composition with the dependent prenoun -iiči, §100.

33. Inflection of the verb

§33.

Intransitive verb stems end in a vowel, transitive verb stems in a nonsyllabic.

The forms of the verb fall into five orders. Each order consists of one or more modes, each with a full set of forms. The independent order takes prefixes; its principal mode, however, the indicative, has zero instead of we- for the third person. The other orders take no prefixes. The imperative has forms for second person actor only, and only one mode. The prohibitive has two modes with the same restriction, but also a third mode, the potential, with a full set of forms. The conjunct and interrogative orders are used only in subordinate clauses and as participles. The languages differ widely in their stock of modal forms; all seem to have lost a few, and some languages have created new ones.

34–42. Independent order

§34.

The chief mode of the independent order is the indicative, used in ordinary statements.

The an. intr. verb here has the ending -w in the third person, with -li before it in the obviative; then come the usual third person endings. Thus, *pemaatesiwa “he lives,” 22 *pemaatesiwa “he lives”: F pemaatesiwa, C pimaatisiw, M pemaatesew, O pimaatisi; 107 *pemaatesiwaki “they live”: F pemaatesiwaki, C pimaatisiwak, M pemaatesewak, O pimaatisiwak; 108 *pemaatesiliwali “the other lives”: F pemaatesiniwani, C pimaatisiyiwa; simplified in M pemaatesewan, O pimaatisiwan; 109 *pemaatesiliwahi “the others live”: F pemaatesiniwahi, C pimaatisiyiwa. The first and second persons singular have no ending; M adds an m, C an n: 110 *kepemaatesi “thou livest”: F kepemaatesi, C kipimaatisin, M kepɛɛmaatesem, O kipimaatis.

The languages disagree as to the plural forms of first and second persons. For the first pl. F has -pena (some eastern languages agree with this); C has exc. -naan, inc. -naw or -naanaw; M exc. -menaw, inc. -q; O -min. The second person is pluralized by F -pwa (so also in some eastern languages), C -naawaaw, M -muaw, O -m.

Before the -w of the third person endings the final vowel of the stem is subject to alternations; these have been largely leveled out in the different languages, least so perhaps in M. Thus, the numerous (pseudo-tr.) stems in oo: 111 *nepyeeto “I bring it”: F nepiito, M nepiitoon, O nimpiitoon (here M and O have added a tr. inan. ending), but *pyeetaawa “he brings it,” 1111 *pyeetaawa “he brings it”: F pyeetoowa (inflectional ending reshaped), M piitaaw, O pitoot. Some stems in aa have ee before w: 112 *nenepa “I sleep”: F nenepa, C ninipaan, M nenɛɛpaam, O ninipaa; 113 *nepeewa “he sleeps”: F nepeewa, M nepɛɛw, O (Algonquin) nipee; leveled out in C nipaaw, O nimpaa. Stems in e drop it before w: 114 *ninepe “I die”: F nenepe, C ninipin, M nenɛɛpem, O ninip; 115 *nepwa “he p. 98 dies”: F nepwa, M nepuah, O nimpo (reshaped with o for wa); leveled out in C nipiw. 116 *nemene “I drink (it, implied goal)”: F nemene, M nemɛɛnem; 117 *menwa “he drinks (it)”: F menwa, M menuah. 118 *nenaate “I fetch it” (pseudo-tr.): F nenaate, C ninaatin, M nenaaten, O ninaatin; the last three with tr. inan. ending added; 119 *naatwa “he fetches it”: F naatwa, M naatwah (second syllable restored on the model of stems with short vowel in the first syllable), O naati (leveled out), C naatam (reshaped into tr. inan. inflection).

The stem si- “say so” is entirely irregular: 120 *nesi “I say so”: F nesi, M neseem; 121 *ewa “he says so”: F iwa, M ewaah.

§35.

The inan. intr. verb is like the third person of the an. intr, with inan. endings: sg. -wi, F pyeemikatwi “it comes”; pl. -wali, F pyeemikatooni “the things come”; obv. sg. -liwi, F pyeemikateniwi; obv. pl. -liwali, F pyeemikateniwani.

The preceding F example shows a stem in e dropping this vowel before w. The alternation of aa~ee appears, for instance in a stem like meçkwaa-, 6868 *meçkwaaki “when it is red”: F meškwaaki, C mihkwaak, O miskwaak; reshaped in M mɛhkiik: 122 *meçkweewi “it is red”: M mɛhkiiw; leveled out in F meçkwaawi, C mihkwaaw, O miskwaa.

§36.

The independent indicative forms of the tr. an. verb fall into four sets. The first two sets involve not more than one of the first two persons; the other two sets involve both first and second person as actor and goal.

§37.

In the first set of forms the prefix, determined by §28, accords with the actor: first or second person acts on third; third acts on obviative. The ending -aa~-ee is added to the stem, and the theme so formed is inflected much like an an. intr. verb: 123 *newaapamaawa “I look at him”: F newaapamaawa, C niwaapamaaw, M newaapamaw, O niwaapamaa; 124 *kewaapamaawaki “thou lookest at them”: F kewaapamaawaki, C kiwaapamaawak, M kewaapamawak, O kiwaapamaak; 125 *waapameewa “he looks at the other one”: F waapameewa, C waapameew, M waapamɛw; O has lost this form, replacing it by one of a different mode, §42.

The forms with first and second person plural actors diverge: F kewaapamaapena “we (inc.) look at him or them,” C kiwaapamaanawak “we (inc.) look at them,” M kewaapamonawak, O kiwaapaminaanik. Here belong also the passive forms of the third person: 126 *waapamaawa “he is looked at”: C waapamaaw, M waapamaw, O waapamaa. Forms with obv. goal take -em before the -aa: C niwaapamimaawa “I see the other one.”

§38.

In the second set of forms the prefix, determined by §28, accords with the goal: third person acts upon first or second, obv. upon third. Here belong also the forms for inan. actor and the passives of first and second person. The theme is formed by the ending -eke, with inflection like an an. intr. verb, with loss of e before -w. Thus, *newaapamekwa “he looks at me,” 6969 *newaapamekwa “he looks at me”: F newaapamekwa, C, O niwaapamiik, M newaapamek; 127 *waapamekwa “the other looks at him”: F waapamekwa, C waapamik, M waapamek; O uses a form originally of different mode, §42.

p. 99

The stem eθ- “say so to” is reduced to zero before -eke: 128 *eθeewa “he says so to him”: F eneewa, C iteew, M enɛɛw, O inaat; 129 *ketekwa “he says so to thee”: F ketekwa, C, O kitik, M ketɛɛkwah; 130 *ekwa “the other says so to him”: F ekwa, M ekuah; C (regularized) itik.

§39.

In the third set of forms the actor is the second person (agreeing with the prefix) and the goal the first person. The theme is formed with suffix -i: 131 *kewaapami “thou lookest at me”: F kewaapami, C kiwaapamin, M kewaapamem, O kiwaapam; 132 *keteši “thou sayest so to me”: F keteši, C kitisin, M ketɛɛsem, O kitiš. As before, the plural forms diverge: F kewaapamipwa “ye look at me,” C kewaapaminaawaaw, M kewaapamemuaw, O kiwaapamim.

§40.

In the fourth set of forms the actor is the first person and the goal (agreeing with the prefix) is the second person. The theme is made with a suffix -eθene, which, especially when final, is largely reduced by haplology in the n-languages: *kewaapameθene, 7070 *kewaapameθene “I look at thee”: C kewaapamitin; the other languages have haplologic forms: F kewaapamene, M kewaapamen, O kiwaapamin. The plural forms are discrepant: F kewaapamenepwa “I look at you,” C kiwaapamitinaawaaw, M kewaapamenenɛmuaw (without haplology), O kiwaapamininim, kiwaaapaminim. The stem eθ- is here, as in §38, reduced to zero: 133 *keteθene “I say so to thee”: F ketene (haplologic), C kititin, M ketɛɛnen, O kitinin.

§41.

The tr. inan. verb has an ending -am for the third person; this is followed by -w and the usual third person endings: 134 *waapantamwa “he looks at it”: F waapatamwa, C, M waapahtam. O here uses a form of a different mode, §42, but has -am in verbs with formal goal: ineentam “he thinks so.” The first and second persons singular have an ending -aa: 135 *newaapanta “I look at it”: F newaapata, M newaapahtan, O niwaapantaan; leveled out, C niwaapahteen. The first and second persons plural have -ee, followed by plural endings: C kiwaapahteenaawaaw “ye look at it,” M kewaapahtɛmuaw.

§42.

The languages differ greatly as to modes of the independent order other than the indicative.

A mode which took all three prefixes and had apparently an l in its endings appears in C as a preterit, in M as a negative, and in O tr. verbs replaces the old third person forms of the indicative: C opimaatisi “he once lived,” kipee-waapamiti “I came to see thee (but thou wast not there)”; M kan opɛɛmaatesenan “he is not living,” kan owaapamanan “he does not look at him”; kan owaapahtanan “he does not look at it”; O owaapamaan “he sees him,” owaapantaan “he sees it.”

C, M, O have an emphatic preterit with -pa: 136 *pemaatesipanyeeki “they once lived”: C, O pimaatisipaniik, M pemaatesyapanik (reshaped; -sya- represents -siwe-).

F, C, O have a dubitative mode with -tok: 137 *pemaatesitoke “he probably lives”: F pemaatesitoke, C pimaatisitokee (extended ending, perhaps <-tokeeli), O pimaatisitok; 138 *pemaatesitokeeniki “they probably live”: C, O pimaatisitokeenik.

p. 100

M has an interrogative mode: kewaapahtɛmet “dost thou look at it?” and an emphatic present: pemaatesyasah “so he is alive!” pemaatesyasapanik “so they are alive!”

O has a negative mode with -ssii (perhaps in origin a diminutive suffix): kaa wiin pimaatisissii “he is not alive.”

43. Imperative order

§43.

In the imperative order, an. intr. verbs have the ending -lo for the singular: 139 *poosilo “embark thou”: F poosino, C poosi, M poosenon (extended, perhaps with particle *na), O poosin. The plural ending is -ko: 140 *poosiko “embark ye”: F poosiko, C, O poosik, M (extended) poosekon.

The tr. an. verb has the following endings: “thou—me” -ilo; “ye—me” -iko; “thou—us, ye—us” -inaanke; “thou—him, thou—them” -i, 7979 *miikaaši “fight thou him”: F miikaaši, M meekaasin (extended by particle *na or otherwise reshaped), O miikaaš, 8080 *kaweni “lay thou him prostrate”: F kaweni, C, O kawin, M kawɛɛnen, 8282 *miili “give thou it to him”: C miyi (Woodland C miini), Shawnee miili; but reshaped in F miiši, M meesen, O miiš; “ye—him, ye—them” -ehko: 141 *waapamehko “look ye at him, them”: F waapamehko, C waapamihk, M (extended) waapamɛɛkhon, O waapamikk.

The tr. inan. verb has sg. -anlo: 142 *waapantanlo “look thou at it”: F waapatano, C waapahta, M waapahtah, O waapantan. The plural ending is -amoko.

44. Prohibitive order

§44.

The forms of the prohibitive order have hk in most of the endings. F has a prohibitive mode, used in negative commands and in statements of undesired occurrence; corresponding forms, for second person actor only, appear in C and O for future commands: 143 *maačyiihkani: F kaata maačiihkani “do thou not move”; maačihkani “thou mightst move”; C maačiihkan “do thou later go on a hunt”; O maačiikkan “do thou later go away.” F has forms for all persons: pyaahkiči “he might (undesiredly) have come”; the endings, after the hk, resemble those of the conjunct order.

F has also a potential mode for statements of hypothetical occurrence: maačiihkapa “thou wouldst go,” okimaawisa “he would be chief.”

O has second person forms with longer endings in negative commands: keekwa maačiikkeen “do thou not go away.”

45–49. Conjunct order

§45.

The verb forms of the conjunct order have personal endings quite different from those of the independent order. These endings are followed by various mode signs.

The indicative mode used in ordinary subordinate clauses, ends in -i (though F, which best preserves these endings, has -e in some of the inflections): F pemaatesiči “that he lives; when he lives.”

The changed mode has the same ending, together with initial change, a modification of the first vowel of the verb stem: a, e ~ee; o~oo; to a long vowel ay is p. 101 prefixed (but F leaves long vowels unchanged; O and, in traces C, has ii~aa). The changed conjunct is used in when-clauses of a single past occurrence, and as a relative conjunct, §102: 144 *neqθaawa “he was killed”: M nɛqnaw, O nissaa; 145 *neeqθenči “when he was killed”: F neeseči, M nɛɛqneh, O neessint (final consonant restored, t for č). Stems beginning with the roots tahθ- “so many” and taθ- “there,” and the an. intr. stem taa- “exist, dwell,” 248248 *teewa “he exists”: M tɛɛw, O tee, prefix een- for initial change: 146 *tahšiwaki “they (an.) are so many”: F tašiwaki, C tasiwak, M tahseewak, O taššiwak; 147 *eentahšiwaači “as many as they are”: F eetašiwaači, C eehtasiwaat (final consonant restored), M ɛɛhtahsetuaq (ending reshaped), O eentaššiwaat (in some dialects eentaššiwaač).

The changed conjunct of stems containing a particle eeh (this is the changed form; the simple form does not occur) is common in C: eeh-takohteet “when he arrived.” It occurs occasionally in O; in F this form serves also for nonsubordinate statements in hearsay narrative: eeh-pyaači “when he came; he came (it is said).”

The subjunctive mode ends in -e; it is used in subordinate clauses of events which have not yet occurred: F kiiši-nepaate “when he has gone to sleep” (then do you…); M piat “if, when he comes.”

The iterative mode ends in -ini and has initial change; it is used in clauses of repeated occurrence: F peemaatesičini “whenever one lives,” M pɛɛmaatesečen. In F these forms, without initial change, are used in negative non-subordinate sentences: aakwi pemaatesičini “he does not live.”

The participle of the conjunct order has the ending -a for the animate singular and -i for the inanimate singular, with initial change. The participle denotes an actor, a goal, or an implied goal: F peemaatesita “one who lives,” neesaata “he who killed the other,” miinaki “that which I gave to him” (ending -ak “I—him”). The plural forms are not made with the usual conjunct endings, but are derived from the singulars with endings like those of §29: an. pl. -iki: F peemaatesičiki “they who live,” inan. pl. -ili: F miinakini “those which I gave him.” The obviatives are based on the usual conjunct endings, the singular adding -ili, the plural -ihi: F peemaatesiničini “the other who lives,” peemaatesiničihi “those others who live.”

C and O have a preterit conjunct with -pa; O has also a negative conjunct with -ssi.

§46.

In the an. intr. verb, the personal endings (which precede the mode signs of §45) are: “I” -aan; “thou” -an; “we exc.” -aank; “we inc.” -ankw; “ye” -eekw; “he” -t; passive -nk. The third person is pluralized by -waa before or after the -t, and made obviative (without distinction of number) by -li before the -t. After a vowel, the first five prefix y: 148 *pemaatesiyaane “if I live”: F pemaatesiyaan, C, O pimaatisiyaan, M pemaateseyan; 149 *pemaatesite “if he lives”: F pemaatesite, C, O pimaatisit, M pemaateset.

Many stems in ne drop e; for instance, those ending in -hšine “fall, lie”: 150 *šenkihšinaane “if I lie down”: F šekišinaane, M sɛhkeehsenan, O šinkiššinaan. p. 102 These and most other stems in e have -k for “he”: 151 *šeenkihšinka “one who lies down”: F šeekišika, M sɛɛhkehseh, O šeenkiššink; 152 *nepeke “if he dies”: F nepeke, M nepɛɛk.

§47.

The inan. intr. conjunct has, for both sg. and pl., -k, obv. -lik: 5757 *aqteeki “when it is there”: F ahteeki, C asteek, M aqtɛk, O atteek, 5858 *kiišekaθki “when it is day”: F kiišekahki, M keesekah, O kiišikakk, 6060 *kemiwanki “when it rains”: C kimiwahk, M kemeewah, O kimiwank, 6767 *tahkyaaki “when it is cool”: F tahkyaaki, C tahkaak, O takkaak; reshaped M tahkiik (representing -yee, transferred from a different inflectional form), 6868 *meçkwaaki “when it is red”: F meškwaaki, C mihkwaak, O miskwaak; reshaped in M mɛhkiik.

§48.

The personal endings of the tr. an. verb fall into four sets. In each set the third person is pluralized by -waa and made obviative by -em.

The first set, with no theme sign, has the following endings: “I—him” -ak; “thou—him” -at; “we exc.—him” -akent; “we inc.—him” -ankw; “ye—him” -eekw; “he—obv.” -aat; “he, passive” -ent (“I—obv.” -emak, “they—obv.” -aawaat or -aatwaa, and so on): 153 *waapamate “if thou lookest at him”: F waapamate, C, M, O waapamat.

The second set has the theme sign -eke, as in §38, followed by -w wherever a third person is involved. Here belongs the form for “obv.—him,” -ekot: 154 *waapamekote “if the other looks at him”: F waapamekote, C, O waapamikot, M waapamekot. Here belong also the forms for inanimate actor; these have the endings of §46, but the languages differ as to the vowel after the -ek: F nesekwiči “if it kills him,” M nɛqnekot. C, M, O have similar formations for the passives of the first and second persons, but F has special forms for these in the third and fourth sets.

The third set of forms has the theme sign -i, as in §39: “he—me” -it; “he—us exc.” -iyament; “thou—me” -iyan; “thou—us, ye—us” -iyaank; “ye—me” -iyeekw: 155 *waapamiyamente “if he looks at us exc.”: F waapamiyamete, C waapamiyamiht, M waapameyameh, O waapamiyamint.

The fourth set of forms has the theme sign -eθ, as in §40: “he—thee” -eθk; “he—us inc.” -eθankw; “he—you:” -eθaakw; “I—thee” -eθaan; “we—thee, we—you” -eθaank; “I—you” -eθakokw: 156 *waapameθankwe “if he looks at us inc.”: F waapamenakwe, C waapamitahk, M waapamenah, O waapaminank.

§49.

The tr. inan. verb has -am, followed by the endings of §46: “I—it” -amaan; “thou—it” -aman; “we exc.—it” -amaank; “we inc.—it” -amankw; “ye—it” -ameekw; “he—it” -ank; “they—it” -amowaat; “obv.—it” -amilit; “it, passive” -amenk; except for participles, sg. and pl. objects are not distinguished. 157 *waapantameekwe “if ye look at it”: F waapatameekwe, C waapahtameek, M waapahtamɛɛk, O waapantameek; 158 *waapantanke “if he looks at it”: F waapatake, C waapahtahk, M waapahtah, O waapantank; 159 *waapantamenke “if it is looked at”: F waapatameke, C waapahtamihk, M waapahtamɛh, O waapantamink.

50. Interrogative order

§50.

The forms of the interrogative order, used in subordinate clauses of question or probability, have an ending -eeli, added to personal endings which resemble those of the conjunct, the chief differences being extensive use of a theme sign p. 103 -aaw for the third person, and of -kw instead of -t (or -k) as a third person ending. In C and O there is only one mode, with initial change; F has also a mode without initial change and a participle. C and O have a preterit with -pa; O has also a negative with -ssi. 160 *peemaatesikweeli “whether he live”: F peemaatesikweeni, C peemaatisikwee, O peemaatisikween; 161 *wayaapamaawateeli “whether thou lookest at him”: F waapamaawateeni, C wayaapamaawatee, O wayaapamaawateen.

51. Word formation

§51.

In composition, one or more prior members are prefixed to a noun stem, a verb stem, or a particle; the members are treated phonetically like words in a phrase, suffering little or no modification. In derivation, suffixes are added to stems (secondary derivation) or to roots (primary derivation), and these components are subject to internal sandhi. Both compound stems and derived stems are subject to inflection; prefixes and initial change appear at the beginning (in compounds, on the first member) and inflectional endings at the end.

The distinction between compounds and derived words is not removed by the fact that some suffixes are homonymous with independent stems. Thus, beside the an. intr. stem api- (C apiw “he sits”) there is a suffix -api “sit,” forming an. intr. verbs; yet there is a sharp formal distinction between, say, C isih-apiw “and thus he sits” (nitisih-apin “and so I sit,” eesih-apit “when he accordingly sat”) and C itapiw “he sits so” (nititapin “I sit so,” eetapit “the way he sits”). The former is a compound, with the particle isi (<PA *eši) “thus” as prior member; this particle is formed from the root eθ- “thither, thus” with the particle-forming suffix -i. The latter is a primary derivative in which the root eθ- is followed by the suffix -api, which is deverbal from the stem api-, §56.

52–54. Composition

§52.

Certain particles, preverbs, freely precede verb stems: M kees-pes-nɛɛwɛɛw “he has seen him on the way,” nekees-pes-nɛɛwaaw “I saw him on the way,” kayees-pes-nɛɛwak “when I had seen him on the way”: kees “completion,” pes (used only as a preverb) “hither”; F weepi-pyeeči-teteposeewa “he begins to approach walking in a circle.” Particles and even longer words are often included between the members of such compounds: M nekees-pes-tɛh-wenah-nɛɛwaaw “but I did see him on the way,” with tɛh wenah “however” included; F nepyeeči-ketaanesa-naanaawa “I have come to fetch thy daughter,” with ketaanesa “thy daughter” included.

Some particles occur only as prior members: wiih “future” in F, C, O; kiih “past” in C and O; eeh in F, C, O, §45. On the other hand, particles formed with suffix -i added to roots are freely formed (§91) and freely used as preverbs.

§53.

Noun stems with an ending -i and an. intr. verb stems with an ending -wi (properly, agent nouns formed with -w) are used as prior members with nouns: p. 104 F manetoowi-wiikiyaapi “a manitou lodge” (manetoowa “manitou”); niimihetiwi-nakamooni “dancing song” (niimihetiwaki “they dance together”).

Particles (prenouns) appear before nouns in less variety than before verbs: 162 *waapi “white”: F waapi-nenoswa “white buffalo,” C waapi-maakwa “white loon,” M waap-mianiiw “white owl,” O waapi-kaak “white porcupine”; 163 *mači “bad”: F mači-metemooha “bad old woman,” C mači-mahkisin “worthless shoe,” M mačeeq-mahkɛɛsen, O mači-očiččaak “evil spirit.” The prenoun -iiči “fellow” yields dependent compound nouns, §100.

§54.

Certain particles, denoting position or number, form exocentric particle compounds with a following noun stem; the suffix -e is added: F ahkwič-asenye “on top of a stone,” nesw-eesepane “three raccoons’ worth.”

55–58. Derivation

§55.

In general, the same suffixes are used for both primary and secondary derivation, though some are predominantly secondary.

Final suffixes appear at the end of the stem; without a sharp boundary, we can distinguish between abstract finals, which merely determine the form-class (noun, four types of verbs, or particle) and concrete finals, which add some more palpable meaning. Thus, -esi an. intr., 22 *pemaatesiwa “he lives”: F pemaatesiwa, C pimaatisiw, M pemaatesew, O pimaatisi, 33 *seekesiwa “he is afraid”: F seekesiwa, C seekisiw, M sɛɛkesew, O seekisi, is abstract, but -piso an. intr. “move without obstruction, glide,” 1515 *kešyiipisowa “he speeds”: M kesiipesow, O kišiipiso, is concrete. Unanalyzable stems, such as aθemw- “dog” in 11 *aθemwa “dog”: Kickapoo anemwa, C atim, M anɛɛm, O anim, are sometimes conveniently described as having a final of the form zero.

In primary derivation, the final suffix is often preceded by a medial suffix, such as -weeweek- “noise,” 1212 *pyeetweeweekesiwa “he comes with noise”: F pyeetweeweekesiwa, M piitiwɛɛkesew, O pitweeweekisi. Medial suffixes have concrete meaning. Dependent noun stems contain a medial suffix but no root; thus -teeh- “heart,” 102102 *keteehi “thy heart”: F keteehi, C kitee, M ketɛɛh, O kiteeq.

§56.

Some concrete finals and some medials are deverbal, resembling a word-stem either in the way of homonymy or with some formal deviation, most usually loss of an initial nonsyllabic: 164 *apiwa “he is in place, he sits”: F apiwa, C apiw, M apeew, O api, stem api-; 165 *eθapiwa “he sits so”: F inapiwa, C itapiw, M enaapew, O inapi; final suffix -api. Beside the tr. an. stem *waapam-, 125125 *waapameewa “he looks at the other one”: F waapameewa, C waapameew, M waapamɛw; O has lost this form, replacing it by one of a different mode, there is the tr. an. final suffix -aapam, 3636 *wensaapameewa “he sees him from there”: F osaapameewa, C osaapameew, M ohsaapamɛw, O onsaapamaat.

§57.

Suffixes appear in divergent forms, so that we set off accretive elements: premedials, postmedials, prefinals. Some prefinal elements appear in more than one final and in part carry a meaning; we call them significant prefinals. Thus, the an. intr. finals -enkwaqši, 4141 *kawenkwaqšiwa “he is sleepy”: F kawekwašiwa, C kawihkwasiw, M kakuuhkwaqsew (reduplicated and contracted, §19), O kawinkwašši, and -enkwaame, 8383 *miitenkwaamwa “he defecates in his sleep”: C miitihkwaamiw (ending reshaped), M miitehkwamow (ending reshaped), O miitinkwaam, both mean “sleep” and have a common prefinal -enkw-. More often, a significant prefinal appears in a set of four verb finals; thus, -hθ “fall, lie” appears in an. intr. -hšine, 7777 *piinčihšinwa “he falls into an enclosed place”: C piihčisin, M peehcehsen, 150150 *šenkihšinaane “if I lie down”: F šekišinaane, M sɛhkeehsenan, O šinkiššinaan; inan. intr. -hθen, 4343 *ešihθenwi “it falls or lies thus”: F išisenwi, C isihtin, M eseehnen, O išissin; tr. an. -hšim and pseudo-tr. inan. -hθetoo: 166 *ešihšimeewa “he lays him so”: C isisimeew, M eseehsemɛw, O išiššimaat; 167 *ešihθetaawa “he lays it so”: F išisetoowa, C isihtitaaw, M eseehnetaw, O išissitoot.

§58.

Noun stems often lose final w when a secondary derivative suffix is added, as in 198198 *wekimaaθkweewa “chief’s woman”: C okimaaskweew, O okimaakkwee; compare M okiimuuhkiw, without dropping of the final w of the underlying stem. An. intr. verb stems, on the other hand, often add w to their final vowel before a suffix of secondary derivation, as in 197197 *ataaweewilenyiwa “trader”: M ataawɛɛwenɛniw, O ataaweewinini; compare F ataaweeneniwa, without addition of -w.

p. 105

Dependent nouns take the prefix we- when secondary derivation is made from them, 184184 *wekwiqsemeewa “he has him as a son”: F okwisemeewa, M okiiqsemɛw, O okwissimaat; those which take the prefixes without t (before ii and oo, §32) here prefix wew-; see, for instance, §68.

59–65. Noun finals

§59.

Many primary nouns show no analysis; we may say that they consist of a noun root and a final suffix of the form zero, 2727 *axkyi “earth, land”: F ahki, C askiy, M ahkeew (ending reshaped), O akki, Penobscot kki (nətahki “my land”), 6363 *meqtekwi “stick”: F mehtekwi, C mistik (pl. -wa), M mɛqtek (pl. -wan), O mittik (pl. -oon), 8787 *aqsenya “stone”: F asenya, C asiniy, M aqsɛn, O assin–8989 *nepyi “water”: F nepi, C nipiy, O nimpi; reshaped M nepeew; 168 *miinali “berries, blueberries” (sg. rarely used): C miinisa (diminutive), M meenan, O miinan; 169 *šiiqšiipa “duck”: F šiišiipa, C siisiip, M seeqsep, O šiiššiip; 170 *aakima “snowshoe”: M aakem, O aakim. Many such nouns end in w: 11 *aθemwa “dog”: Kickapoo anemwa, C atim, M anɛɛm, O anim, 8888 *ehkwa “louse”: F, C ihkwa, M ehkuah, O ikkwa, 100100 *axkehkwa “kettle”: F ahkohkwa, C askihk, M ahkɛɛh (pl. kok), O akkikk; 171 *wekimaawa “chief”: F okimaawa, C okimaaw, M okeemaaw, O okimaa; 172 *eškoteewi “fire”: F aškoteewi, C iskoteew, M eskootɛɛw, O iškotee; 173 *eθkweewa “woman”: F ihkweewa, C iskweew, O ikkwee, Delaware xkweew; 174 *atehkwa “caribou”: C atihk, M atɛɛh (pl. -kok), O atikk.

A very few nouns appear in sets, with a common noun root and different finals: 175 *nameewa “sturgeon”: C nameew, M namɛɛw, O namee; 176 *nameeqsa “fish”: F nameesa, M namɛɛqs; this is perhaps to be described as an irregularly formed diminutive of the preceding; 177 *nameekohsa “trout”: C nameekos, M namɛɛkoh (pl. -sak), O nameekoss, diminutive of a stem nameekw-, compare §65; 178 *nameepila “carp, sucker”: C nameepiy, M namɛɛpen, O nameepin.

§60.

Scarcely any primary nouns are formed from general roots (that is, from roots which appear in primary verbs and particles) with an abstract final suffix. A noun of this exceptional kind is *elenyiwa “many,” 1313 *elenyiwa “man”: F ineniwa, C iyiniw, M ɛnɛɛniw, O inini, with root elen- “ordinary, plain”: 179 *eleni (prenoun) “ordinary, plain”: C iyini, M enɛɛn (as enɛɛn-apuan “ordinary roast: corn bread”); 180 *eleneqšipa “ordinary duck, mallard”: C iyinisip, O ininiššip.

In contrast with this, many nouns consist of a general root with a concrete suffix. The concrete suffix may be a noun final deverbal from a noun stem; thus -eqšip “duck,” 180180 *eleneqšipa “ordinary duck, mallard”: C iyinisip, O ininiššip, deverbal from *šiiqšiipa, 169169 *šiiqšiipa “duck”: F šiišiipa, C siisiip, M seeqsep, O šiiššiip. Similarly, -aqθemw “dog,” deverbal from *aθemwa, 11 *aθemwa “dog”: Kickapoo anemwa, C atim, M anɛɛm, O anim: 181 *waapaqθemwa “white dog”: C waapastim, M waapeskaaqnem (longer form of the root), O waapassim. Or the concrete suffix may be a medial suffix followed by an abstract noun final, as -aapeθk- “stone, metal,” with noun final -w: 182 *piiwaapeθkwi “iron”: F piiwaapehkwi, C piiwaapisk, O piiwaapikk; compare M enɛɛnaapɛh (pl. -kon) “axe,” Penobscot wαpahpesk^w “white rock.” Or, finally, the concrete suffix may be a medial with noun final zero, as -aaxkw- “wood, tree, solid”: 183 *šenkwaaxkwa “pine tree”: F šekwaahkwa, O šinkwaakk; compare M askaah (pl. -kok) “white pine.”

Among the noun stems that are formed with a medial are the dependent nouns, §32; the medial suffixes which appear in dependent nouns of relationship, however, do not occur elsewhere. A few noun stems consist of a medial suffix with the third person prefix we- or, less often, me-, §103.

p. 106

§61.

Noun final -w is freely added to intr. verb stems, forming agent nouns, as M čeepaahkow “he cooks”; as noun, “cook,” nečeepaahkom “my cook, my wife.” As a primary suffix it appears after some medials, as in 182182 *piiwaapeθkwi “iron”: F piiwaapehkwi, C piiwaapisk, O piiwaapikk.

Final -aa-w is added to tr. an. verb stems, forming nouns of undergoer: 184 *wekwiqsemeewa “he has him as a son”: F okwisemeewa, M okiiqsemɛw, O okwissimaat; 185 *wekwiqsemaawa “one who is a son”: F okwisemaawa, M okiiqsemaw.

§62.

Noun final -n forms actions, products, and instruments from an. intr. stems: 186 *meteewiwa “he takes part in the Mystic Rite”: C miteewiw, M metɛɛwew, O miteewi; 187 *meteewini “the Mystic Rite”: M metɛɛwen, O miteewin; here C miteewiwin has a longer suffix; see below. Before this -n, the an. intr. final -kee has replacement of ee by a: 188 *paaškisikee; compare, with medial -ečyee-, M paaskečisekɛw; 189 *paaškesikani “gun”: F paaškesikani, C paaskisikan, O paaškisikan; compare M paaskečisekan.¹³¹³ Here, as in some other examples, the meaning is modern, but the habit of formation is old. Otherwise, ee~aa, as in M ahpɛɛsaawaan “bark mixed with tobacco,” from ahpɛɛsaawɛɛw “he mixes something into his tobacco”; O kittikaan “field, farm” from kittikee “he farms” (<keqt-wik-ee-).

An extension of this -n is -wen, as in *pemaatesiweni “life,” 9898 *pemaatesiweni “life”: F pemaatesiweni, C, O pimaatisiwin, M pemaatesewen, from the an. intr. stem pemaatesi-, 22 *pemaatesiwa “he lives”: F pemaatesiwa, C pimaatisiw, M pemaatesew, O pimaatisi.

Another extended form is -kan, as in F išiteehaakani “thought,” from išiteeheewa “he thinks so.”

An extended form -aakan is added to some tr. an. stems, forming undergoers: 190 *wiičyeeweewa “he accompanies him”: F wiičeeweewa, C wiičeeweew, M wiičiiwɛɛw, O wiičiiwaat; 191 *wiičyeewaakana “companion”: C wiičeewaakan, O wiičiiwaakan.

Some unanalyzable nouns end in -n: 192 *maxkesini “moccasin”: F mahkeseehi (diminutive), C maskisin, M mahkɛɛsen, O makkisin, Penobscot maksən.

§63.

Diminutive formations differ in the different languages; s-clusters and, less often, h, appear in the suffixes, e.g., from *aθemwa, 11 *aθemwa “dog”: Kickapoo anemwa, C atim, M anɛɛm, O anim, we find F anemooha, C ačimosis, M anɛɛmoohsɛh, O animoonss and pejoriative animošš. Finals of this type are -ehs, 99 *neniičyaanehsa “my child”: F neniičaanesa, M neniičianɛh, O niniičaaniss, 2626 *noohkomehsa “my grandmother”: F noohkomesa, C noohkom (without diminutive suffix), M noohkomɛh, O nookkomiss, 4040 *wemehšoomehsali “his grandfather”: F omešoomesani, C omosooma (without diminutive suffix), M omɛɛhsomɛɛhsan, O omiššomissan; -hs, 3737 *nemihsa “my elder sister”: F nemiseeha (diminutive), C nimis, M nemeeh (pl. nemeehsak), O nimisseenq (diminutive), 106106 *noohšihsema “my grandchild”: F noošisema, C noosisim, M noohsehsɛh (diminutive -ehs replacing -em), O koošiss (-em lacking); -qs, 3838 *nekwiqsa “my son”: F nekwisa, C nikosis (diminutive), M nekiiqs, O ninkwiss, 176176 *nameeqsa “fish”: F nameesa, M namɛɛqs.

§64.

Few concrete noun finals are unanalyzable; the commonest is perhaps -aahtekw “stick, wood, tree”: 193 *elenaahtekwa “ordinary wood or tree”: M enɛɛnaahtek “hardwood,” O ininaattik “maple.” This is common as a secondary suffix, as M kohkaanaahtek “fish pole” from kohkaan “fish hook.”

More commonly, concrete noun finals contain medials, as in 182182 *piiwaapeθkwi “iron”: F piiwaapehkwi, C piiwaapisk, O piiwaapikk, 183183 *šenkwaaxkwa “pine tree”: F šekwaahkwa, O šinkwaakk; compare M askaah (pl. -kok) “white pine.”. Common in secondary derivation is -wikamikw “house,” with medial -wik- “dwell”: 194 *ataaweewa “he trades, sells”: F ataaweewa, C ataaweew, M ataawɛɛw, O ataawee; 195 *ataaweewikamikwi “trading post, store”: C, O ataaweewikamik, p. 107 M ataawɛɛwikamek (with i generalized from cases where -wik- comes after a consonant, §5).

Common in secondary formations is -aapoow “liquid,” with medial -aapw-; thus, from *eškoteewi “fire,” 172172 *eškoteewi “fire”: F aškoteewi, C iskoteew, M eskootɛɛw, O iškotee: 196 *eškoteewaapoowi “fire water, whisky”: C iskoteewaapoy, M eskootɛɛwaapoh (ending reshaped), O iškoteewaapoo.

§65.

Most concrete noun finals are deverbal, as -eqšip, 180180 *eleneqšipa “ordinary duck, mallard”: C iyinisip, O ininiššip, from šiiqšiip- “duck,” 169169 *šiiqšiipa “duck”: F šiišiipa, C siisiip, M seeqsep, O šiiššiip; -aqθemw, 181181 *waapaqθemwa “white dog”: C waapastim, M waapeskaaqnem (longer form of the root), O waapassim, from aθemw- “dog,” 11 *aθemwa “dog”: Kickapoo anemwa, C atim, M anɛɛm, O anim. These occur also in secondary derivation, as M awɛɛtokaaqnem “bloodhound,” from awɛɛtok “spirit.” From elenyiw- “man,” 1313 *elenyiwa “man”: F ineniwa, C iyiniw, M ɛnɛɛniw, O inini, there is the final -lenyiw, common in secondary use; thus, from ataawee- “trade,” 194194 *ataaweewa “he trades, sells”: F ataaweewa, C ataaweew, M ataawɛɛw, O ataawee: 197 *ataaweewilenyiwa “trader”: M ataawɛɛwenɛniw, O ataaweewinini; compare F ataaweeneniwa, without addition of -w, §58. From eθkweew- “woman,” 173173 *eθkweewa “woman”: F ihkweewa, C iskweew, O ikkwee, Delaware xkweew, there is deverbal -eθkweew; thus, added to wekimaaw-, 171171 *wekimaawa “chief”: F okimaawa, C okimaaw, M okeemaaw, O okimaa: 198 *wekimaaθkweewa “chief’s woman”: C okimaaskweew, O okimaakkwee; compare M okiimuuhkiw, without dropping of the final w of the underlying stem, §58, and with contraction. From miin- “berry,” 168168 *miinali “berries, blueberries” (sg. rarely used): C miinisa (diminutive), M meenan, O miinan, there is -min: 199 *waapimina (an.), *waapimini (inan.): F waapimini “maize,” C waapimin “white bead,” M waapemen (an.) “maize,” O (Cuoq) waapimin “apple.” From nameekw- “fish,” in 177177 *nameekohsa “trout”: C nameekos, M namɛɛkoh (pl. -sak), O nameekoss, diminutive of a stem nameekw-, there is formed -aameekw: 200 *myaalameekwa “catfish”: F myaanameekwa, C maayameek, O maanameek; 201 *aθameekwa “dead fish”: C atameek, M anaamɛɛk. Secondary, from atehkw- “caribou,” 174174 *atehkwa “caribou”: C atihk, M atɛɛh (pl. -kok), O atikk, with unusual loss of postconsonantal w: 202 *atehkameekwa C atihkameek, O atikkameek. Another deverbal noun final is -aapew “male, man”: 203 *meqθaapeewa “giant”: C mistaapeew, M mɛqnapɛɛw, O missaapee. This is deverbal from 204 *naapeewa “male, man”: F naapeewa, C naapeew, M naapɛɛw, O naapee.

66–73. Intransitive verb finals, secondary

§66.

Intransitive verb finals go largely in pairs, for an. and inan. actors. Where there is no special inan. formation, an inan. intr. stem is derived from the an. intr. with -makate: 205 *pyeewa “he comes”: F pyeewa, M piiw; 206 *pyeemakatwi “it comes”: F pyeemikatwi, M piimakat. Similarly, M pemaatesemakat “it lives,” from 22 *pemaatesiwa “he lives”: F pemaatesiwa, C pimaatisiw, M pemaatesew, O pimaatisi.

§67.

In both genders -i added to noun stems in vowel plus w makes verbs of being. Thus, an. intr. meteewi-, 186186 *meteewiwa “he takes part in the Mystic Rite”: C miteewiw, M metɛɛwew, O miteewi, is derived from the noun 207 *meteewa “shaman”: C miteew, M metɛɛw, O mitee. From wekimaaw-, 171171 *wekimaawa “chief”: F okimaawa, C okimaaw, M okeemaaw, O okimaa: 208 *wekimaawiwa “he is a chief”: F okimaawiwa, C okimaawiw, M okeemaawew, O okimaawi. To noun stems not ending in vowel plus w, suffix -eewi is added for verbs of bcing, as M meniikaaneewew “it is a town,” from meniikaan “town.” Similarly, from aθemw- 11 *aθemwa “dog”: Kickapoo anemwa, C atim, M anɛɛm, O anim, M anɛɛmoowew “he is a dog,” §18.

§68.

An. intr. -i is added to possessed noun themes with third person singular possessor, making verbs of possession. Thus from wetehkom- “his louse,” 9494 *netehkoma “my louse”: F netehkoma, C nitihkom, M netɛɛhkom, O nintikkom–9797 *wetehkomahi “his lice”: F otehkomahi, C otihkoma, O (Lake Superior) otihkomaq: 209 *wetehkomiwa “he has lice”: C otihkomiw, M otɛɛhkomew, O otikkomi. De- p. 108 pendent nouns which have this theme in wii- prefix we- to it: M oweeyawew “he has a body,” from weeyaw, 77 *wiiyawi “his body”: F wiiyawi, C wiyaw, M weeyaw, O wiiyaw; those which have oo- prefix wew-: M owoohkomɛɛhsew “he has a grandmother,” from oohkomɛɛhsan, 6666 *oohkomehsali “his grandmother”: F oohkomesani, C oohkoma, M oohkomɛɛhsan, O ookkomissa; see §58.

§69.

An. intr. verbs of gathering and producing are derived from nouns with final -ehkee: 210 *wiikopihkeewa “he gathers basswood bark”: F wiikopihkeewa, M weekopeehkɛw; the underlying noun is 211 *wiikopyi “basswood bark”: F wiikopi, M weekop, O wiikop.

§70.

An. intr. verbs of action on indefinite inanimate objects are derived from tr. inan. stems by means of -kee. Thus, paaškesikee-, 188188 *paaškisikee; compare, with medial -ečyee-, M paaskečisekɛw, is derived from 212 *paaškesamwa “he shoots it”: C paaskisam, O paaškisank; compare M paaskečisam. Pseudo-tr. inan. stems in -too, -htoo drop oo; thus ešihčikee-, 3434 *ešihčikeewa “he makes things so”: F išihčikeewa, C isiihčikeew, M eseehčekɛw, O išiččikee, is derived from ešihtoo-, 2222 *ešihtaawa “he makes it so”: F išihtoowa (ending reshaped), C isiihtaaw, M eseehtaw, O išittoot.

However, the tr. inan. stems whose tr. an. pendant has -aw, §85, take -aakee: 213 *noontaakeewa “he hears something”: F nootaakeewa, O noontaakee, from 214 *noontamwa “he hears it”: M noohtam, O noontank; the tr. an. pendant of this is 215 *noontaweewa “he hears him”: F nootaweewa, M noohtawɛw, O noontawaat.

§71.

An. intr. verbs of action on indefinite animate objects are derived from tr. an. verbs by means of -iwee: 216 *niimyiheewa “he makes him dance”: F niimiheewa, C niimiheew, M niimihɛw, O niimihaat; 217 *niimyihiweewa “he makes people dance”: F niimihiweewa, M niimihewɛɛw. From some stems, however, these an. intr. derivatives are made in other ways; thus to miikaaθ-, 7878 *miikaaθeewa “he fights him”: F miikaaneewa, M meekaanɛɛw, O miikaanaat, suffix -kyee is added without connective: 218 *miikaaθkyeewa “he fights people”: M meekaahkow (inflection reshaped, compare the conjunct miikaahkit “if he fights”), O miikaakkii.

§72.

An. intr. verbs of reciprocal action are derived with -etwi from tr. an. verbs; thus, from 216216 *niimyiheewa “he makes him dance”: F niimiheewa, C niimiheew, M niimihɛw, O niimihaat: 219 *niimyihetwiwaki “they make each other dance, they dance together”: F niimihetiwaki, C niimihitowak, M niimihɛtowak, O niimihitiwak. In some cases, however, this derivative is made with -wi from the tr. inan. verb; so in the case of 7878 *miikaaθeewa “he fights him”: F miikaaneewa, M meekaanɛɛw, O miikaanaat: 220 *miikaatamwa “he fights it”: M meekaatam, O miikaatank; 221 *miikaatwiwaki “they fight each other”: F miikaatiwaki, M meekaatowak, O miikaatiwak. Similarly, beside tr. an, waapam-, 125125 *waapameewa “he looks at the other one”: F waapameewa, C waapameew, M waapamɛw; O has lost this form, replacing it by one of a different mode; tr. inan. waapant-, 134134 *waapantamwa “he looks at it”: F waapatamwa, C, M waapahtam: 222 *waapantwiwaki “they look at each other”: F waapatiwaki, M waapahtowak, O waapantiwak.

§73.

Reflexive an. intr. verbs are derived with -eso from tr. an. stems. Thus, from pemaačih-, 7575 *pemaačiheewa “he makes him live, restores him to life”: C pimaačiheew, M pemaačehɛw, O pimaačiqaat: 223 *pemaačihesowa “he restores himself to life, he saves his (own) life”: C pimaačihisow, M pemaačehɛsow. However, there are quite a few special formations, such as -wiso added to the tr. inan. stem; from 134134 *waapantamwa “he looks at it”: F waapatamwa, C, M waapahtam: 224 *waapantwisowa “he looks at himself”: F waapatisowa, O waapantiso.

Some of these special formations occur in both genders and show primary rather than secondary structure. These have a less explicitly reflexive meaning; we call them middle reflexives. Thus, beside tr. an. -esw, tr. inan. -es “by heat”, p. 109 there are middle reflexeves in an. intr. -eso, inan. intr. -etee: 225 *kiišesweewa “he cooks him done”: C kiisisweew, M kiisesiw, O kiišiswaat; 226 *kiišesamwa “he cooks it done”: F kiišesamwa, C kiisisam, M keesesam, O kiišisank; 227 *kiišesowa "he is cooked done”: F kiišesowa, C kiisisowa, M keesesow, O kiišiso; 228 *kiišeteewi “it is cooked done”: F kiišeteewi, C kiisiteew, M keesetɛw, O kiišitee. Similarly, beside divergent forms (§84) of these tr. finals: 229 *wensweewa “he brings him to boiling”: M ohsiiw, O onswaat; 230 *wensamwa “he brings it to boiling”: M ohsaam, O onsank; 231 *wensowa “he comes to a boil”: M ohsoow, O onso; 232 *wenteewi “it comes to a boil”: M ohtɛɛw, O ontee.

Beside tr. an. -θ, tr. inan. -t or pseudo-tr. -too, there is very often a middle reflexive pair with an. intr. -so, inan. intr. -tee: 233 *kyaaθeewa “he hides him”: C kaateew, M kianɛɛw, O kaanaat; pseudo-tr. inan. kyaatoo-, 1010 *kyaataawa “he hides it”: C kaataaw, M kiataaw, O kaatoot; reshaped in F kyaatamwa; 234 *kyaasowa “he hides himself, he is hidden”: F kyaasowa, C kaasow, M kiasow, O kaaso; 235 *kyaateewi “it is hidden”: C kaateew, M kiatɛɛw.

In some instances, tr. an. -m, tr. inan. -nt are matched by middle reflexive an. intr. -nso, inan. intr. -ntee: 236 *eθakimeewa “he counts, values him so”: C itakimeew, M enaakemɛw, O inakimaat; 237 *eθakintamwa “he counts, values it so”: C itakihtam, M enaakehtam, O iinakintank; 238 *eθakinsowa “he is counted, valued so”: C itakisow, M enaakehsow, O inakiso (reshaped from -inso); 239 *eθakinteewi “it is counted, valued so”: F inakihteewi, M enaakehtɛw, O inakintee.

Beside tr. an. aql-, 4747 *aqleewa “he places him”: F aseewa, C aheew, M aqnɛw, O assaat, pseudo-tr. inan. aqtoo-: 240 *aqtaawa “he places it, has it”: F ahtoowa, C astaaw, M aqtaw, O attoot, the middle reflexive inan. intr. is aqtee-, 5757 *aqteeki “when it is there”: F ahteeki, C asteek, M aqtɛk, O atteek, but the middle reflexive an. intr. is suppletive api-, 164164 *apiwa “he is in place, he sits”: F apiwa, C apiw, M apeew, O api.

A freely formed type of middle reflexive, verbs of undergoing, adds an. intr. -kaaso, inan. intr. -kaatee to tr. inan. stems. In structure, these verbs are middle reflexives of stems in tr. an. -θ, tr. inan. -t, -too, §81, based on an. intr. stems in -kee, §70. Thus, from pesudo-tr. inan. ešihtoo-, 2222 *ešihtaawa “he makes it so”: F išihtoowa (ending reshaped), C isiihtaaw, M eseehtaw, O išittoot, and beside the an. intr. derivative ešihčikee-, 3434 *ešihčikeewa “he makes things so”: F išihčikeewa, C isiihčikeew, M eseehčekɛw, O išiččikee, the verbs of undergoing are: 241 *ešihčikaasowa “he is (generally) made so”: M eseehčekaso, O išiččikaaso; 242 *ešihčikaateewi “it is (generally) made so”: C isiihčikaateew, M eseehčekatɛɛw, O išiččikaatee.

Some an. middle reflexives merely add -o to the tr. an. stem. The commonest verb of this sort is 243 *aačimeewa “he tells of him”: F aačimeewa, C aačimeew, M aačemɛw, O aačimaat; 244 *aačimowa “he tells of himself, he narrates (his own experience)”: F aačimowa, C aačimow, M aačemow, O aačimo. Similarly -po, 5454 *atooxpowa “he eats from upon something”: F atoohpowa, C atoospow, M atoohpow, O atooppo, beside -pw, 311311 *sakipweewa “he bites him”: M sakiipiiw, 312312 *sakipotamwa “he bites it”: M sakeepotam, Shawnee neθakipota “I bite it.”; -eelemo, 1919 *axpeelemowa “he places reliance”: F ahpeenemowa, C aspeeyimow, M ahpɛɛnemow, O appeenimo, beside -eelem, 4848 *pooneelemeewa “he stops thinking of him”: F pooneenemeewa, C pooneeyimeew, M poonɛɛnemɛw, O pooneenimaat.

74–78. Intransitive verb finals, primary

§74.

The final vowels of an. intr. stems can always be described as suffixal. Often enough, however, the part of the stem which precedes the final vowel seems to occur in no other primary word. Thus, -i appears in esi- (si-, e-) “say so,” 120120 *nesi “I say so”: F nesi, M neseem, 121121 *ewa “he says so”: F iwa, M ewaah, and in poosi- “embark,” 55 *poosiwa “he embarks”: F poosiwa, C poosiw, M poosew, O poosi. Similarly: 245 *niimyiwa “he dances”: F niimiwa, p. 110 C niimiw, M neemow (inflection reshaped), O niimi. The pseudo-tr. inan. in -i that serves as pendant to tr. an. amw- “eat,” 317317 *amweewa “he eats him”: F amweewa, O amwaat; C moweew, M miiw lack the initial vowel, but it is present in the deverbal suffix -amw: C kitamweew “he eats all of him,” M ketaamiiw; M mɛɛqtamiw “he eats them till all are gone.”, is of this character: 246 *miičiwa “he eats it”: F miičiwa, C miičiw, M miičwah (inflwection reshaped), O miiči.

In other instances, -i is added to a recurring root: 247 *waapiwa “he looks on”: F waapiwa, C waapiw, M waapew, O waapi.

The final vowel is -e in a few, such as nepe- “die,” 114114 *ninepe “I die”: F nenepe, C ninipin, M nenɛɛpem, O ninip, 115115 *nepwa “he dies”: F nepwa, M nepuah, O nimpo (reshaped with o for wa); leveled out in C nipiw; mene- “drink (it),” 116116 *nemene “I drink (it, implied goal)”: F nemene, M nemɛɛnem, 117117 *menwa “he drinks (it)”: F menwa, M menuah; naate- “fetch (it),” 118118 *nenaate “I fetch it” (pseudo-tr.): F nenaate, C ninaatin, M nenaaten, O ninaatin; the last three with tr. inan. ending added, 119.119 *naatwa “he fetches it”: F naatwa, M naatwah (second syllable restored on the model of stems with short vowel in the first syllable), O naati (leveled out), C naatam (reshaped into tr. inan. inflection)

Final -aa (replaced by -ee before -w in inflection) appears in pyaa- “come,” 205205 *pyeewa “he comes”: F pyeewa, M piiw. Similarly, taa-: 248 *teewa “he exists”: M tɛɛw, O tee; compare M netaam “I exist,” O eentaat “where he dwells” (with irregular initial change, §45); M has a corresponding inan. intr. takuah “it exists,” takiik “if it exists”; compare O eentakween “I wonder whether it is the case.”

An. intr. -ee appears in leehlee- “breathe,” 4646 *leehleewa “he breathes”: F neeseewa “he is saved,” C yeehyeew “he breathes,” M nɛɛhnɛw, O neessee. Similarly: 249 *ahkeewa (prior element of cluster uncertain) “he extracts marrow”: M ahkɛɛw, O akkee. In analyzable stems, -ee is very common after medials, as in *piintwikeewa “he enters a dwelling,” 1414 *piintwikeewa “he enters a dwelling”: F piitikeewa, C piihtokeew, M piihtikɛw, O piintikee, with medial -wik-.

An. intr. -ii appears after recognizable roots, for instance in 3333 *wenčiiwa “he comes from there”: F očiiwa, C ohčiiw, M ohčeew, O ončii, 8484 *miisiiwa “he defecates”: F miisiiwa, C miisiiw, M meeseew, O miisii.

§75.

More recognizable abstract finals, mostly occurring in pairs, an. and inan., are fairly numerous.

A very common pair in primary derivation is an. intr. -esi, inan. intr. -ate: 250 *sanakesiwa “he is difficult, he is hard to get”: F sanakesiwa, M sanaakesew, O sanakisi; 251 *sanakatwi “it is difficult”: F sanakatwi, M sanaakat, O sanaka.

Another such pair is an. intr. -esi, inan. intr. -yaa. Thus, beside inan. meçkwaa-, 6868 *meçkwaaki “when it is red”: F meškwaaki, C mihkwaak, O miskwaak; reshaped in M mɛhkiik, 122122 *meçkweewi “it is red”: M mɛhkiiw; leveled out in F meçkwaawi, C mihkwaaw, O miskwaa, there is an. meçkosi-, 2929 *meçkosiwa “he is red”: F meškosiwa, C mihkosiw (Swampy Cree mihtkosiw), O miskosi; compare M mɛhkoon; 252 *kenosiwa “he is long”: F kenosiwa, C kinosiw, M kenoosew, O kinosi; 253 *kenweewi “it is long”: M keniiw; reshaped in C kinwaaw, O kinwaa.

A less common pair is -esi, -ete, as in M matɛɛsew, matɛɛt “ he, it is bad, ugly.”

Another an. final appears in -aθe, inan. -ane: 254 *kosekwaθwa “he is heavy”: M kosɛɛkwan, O kosikwan; inflection reshaped in C kosikwatiw; 255 *kosekwanwi “it is heavy”: C, O kosikwan, M kosɛɛkwan. In C, this inan. -ane everywhere replaces -ate.

Somewhat different is -eθe, inan. -ane, as in M weehken, weehkan “he, it tastes good”; M has this -eθe in mɛhkoon “he is red,” 2929 *meçkosiwa “he is red”: F meškosiwa, C mihkosiw (Swampy Cree mihtkosiw), O miskosi; compare M mɛhkoon.

A few pairs have -ekeθe, inan. -yaa: 256 *meqθekeθwa “he is big”: M mɛqnekɛn, C (reshaped) misikitiw; 257 *meqšyeewi “it is big”: M mɛqsiw; inflection reshaped in F mešaawi, C misaaw.

Suffixes of this kind appear after medials; thus, -esi appears after -weeweek- “noise” in 1212 *pyeetweeweekesiwa “he comes with noise”: F pyeetweeweekesiwa, M piitiwɛɛkesew, O pitweeweekisi, and after -ahkamik- “place, space” in 5151 *eθahkamikesia “he carries on so”: F inahkamikesiwa, C itahkamikisiw, M enaahkamekɛsew, O inakkamikisi.

Suffixes like these are not always paired; thus, an. intr. -esi occurs without an inan. pendant in pemaatesi-, 22 *pemaatesiwa “he lives”: F pemaatesiwa, C pimaatisiw, M pemaatesew, O pimaatisi, seekesi-, 33 *seekesiwa “he is afraid”: F seekesiwa, C seekisiw, M sɛɛkesew, O seekisi, and inan. intr. -ane without an an. pendant in kemiwane-, 5959 *kemiwanwi “it rains”: C, O kimiwan, M kemeewan. This last has a unique root; a root found also in other p. 111 words appears in the following, without an. pendant: 258 *waapanwi “it dawns”: F waapanwi, M, C, O waapan.

§76.

More concrete finals are largely analyzable into prefinal and final parts; often also the same prefinal appears in transitive suffixes. Thus, prefinal -k appears in intr. verbs for growth and shape, an. intr. -ki, inan. intr. -kene: 259 *ešikiwa “he grows so, is so, fares so”: F išikiwa, M eseekew; 260 *ešikenwi “it grows so, is so”: F išikenwi, M eseeken. Prefinal -at “cold” appears with the same finals in a. -ači, inan. -atene: 261 *kawačiwa “he freezes to prostration”: C kawačiw, M kawaačew, O kawači; 262 *kepatenwi “it freezes over”: F kepatenwi, M kepaaten, O kipatin.

Very common is -hšine, -hθene with prefinal -hθ “fall, lie” 7777 *piinčihšinwa “he falls into an enclosed place”: C piihčisin, M peehcehsen, 150150 *šenkihšinaane “if I lie down”: F šekišinaane, M sɛhkeehsenan, O šinkiššinaan. The pendant of inan. ešihθene-, 4343 *ešihθenwi “it falls or lies thus”: F išisenwi, C isihtin, M eseehnen, O išissin, is 263 *ešihšinwa “he falls so, he lies so”: C isisin, M eseehsen, O išiššin.

Prefinal -nt “in water” is followed by an. -ne, inan. -ee: 264 *akwinčinwa “he is in water”: C akohčin, M akiihčen, O akwinčin; 265 *akwinteewi “it is in water”: F akwiteewi, C akohteew, M akiihtɛw, O akwintee.

Prefinal -ešk “movement of foot or body” appears in -eškaa, for both genders: 266 *papaameškaawa “he goes about”: C papaamiskaaw, M papaameskaw, O papaamiškaa. There is also a form -ehk of this prefinal, with apparently dissimilative distribution, though the languages differ: 267 *peesehkaawa “he, it moves slowly”: M pɛɛsɛhkaw, O peesikkaa, but C peesiskaaw, probably reshaped; the root is peet-. Compare §85.

§77.

Other finals have fairly definite meanings but are not analyzable. Thus, an. intr. -eente “stay away”: 268 *eθeentwa “he stays away so long”: F ineetwa, M enɛɛhtwah, O (inflection reshaped) eneenti. Very common is an. intr. -ohθee “walk”: 269 *pemohθeewa “he walks along”: F pemoseewa, C pimohteew, M pemoohnɛw, O pimossee.

§78.

Deverbal finals are numerous. Thus, from an. intr. waapi-, 247247 *waapiwa “he looks on”: F waapiwa, C waapiw, M waapew, O waapi, there is an. intr. -aapi “look”: 270 *eθaapiwa “he looks thither or thus”: F inaapiwa, C itaapiw, O inaapi; 271 *natawaapiwa “he looks to see”: F natawaapiwa, C nitawaapiw, M nataawaapew, O nantawaapi; root nataw- “try, seek.” From tthis last stem M in turn derives an an. intr. -atawaapi: menuatawapew “he has good eyesight,” root melw- “good.” Similarly, from inan. intr. waapane-, 258258 *waapanwi “it dawns”: F waapanwi, M, C, O waapan, there is a deverbal -aapane “dawn”: 272 *pyeetaapanwi “dawn approaches”: F pyeetaapanwi, C peetaapan, O piitaapan.

79–87. Transitive finals

§79.

Transitive verb finals or instrumentals go in pairs, tr. an. and tr. inan.; hence some analysis always presents itself. Instead of a tr. inan. there is often a pseudo-tr. in -too or -htoo, with inflection reshaped in M and O in the direction of tr. inan. endings.

§80.

The most abstract pair is tr. an. -h, tr. inan. -htoo. In secondary use it is p. 112 added to an. intr. stems. Thus, niimyih- “cause to dance,” 216216 *niimyiheewa “he makes him dance”: F niimiheewa, C niimiheew, M niimihɛw, O niimihaat, is derived from niimyi- “dance,” 245245 *niimyiwa “he dances”: F niimiwa, C niimiw, M neemow (inflection reshaped), O niimi; the pseudo-tr. inan. is 273 *niimyihtaawa “he makes it dance”: F niimihtoowa, M niimihtaw, O niimittoot.

This pair freely makes primary verbs: 274 *ešiheewa “he makes him so”: C isiiheew, M eseehɛɛw, O išiqaat; pseudo-tr. inan. ešihtoo-, 2222 *ešihtaawa “he makes it so”: F išihtoowa (ending reshaped), C isiihtaaw, M eseehtaw, O išittoot. 275 *pooniheewa “he ceases from him, leaves him alone”: C pooniheew, M poonehɛw, O pooniqaat; 276 *poonihtaawa “he ceases from it”: F poonihtoowa, C poonihtaaw, M poonehtaw, O poonittoot. Other examples are 1818 *koohpačiheewa “he ruins him”: C koohpačiheew, M koohpačehɛɛw, O kooppačihaat, 5252 *pemipahtaawa “he runs by”: C pimipahtaaw, M pemeepahtaw, O pimipattoo (inflection reshaped); compare F pemipahowa (pseudo-tr. with formal object, so also 5353 *expahtaawa “he runs thither”: C ispahtaaw, M ehpaahtaw, O ippattoo; compare F ihpahowa), 7575 *pemaačiheewa “he makes him live, restores him to life”: C pimaačiheew, M pemaačehɛw, O pimaačiqaat.

§81.

Quite abstract also is tr. an. -θ, tr. inan. -t (often pseudo-tr. inan. -too). In secondary use it is added to an. intr. stems in -ee; this vowel is replaced in some words by aa, in others by a. Thus, from piintwikee-, 1414 *piintwikeewa “he enters a dwelling”: F piitikeewa, C piihtokeew, M piihtikɛw, O piintikee: 277 *piintwikaθeewa “he brings him inside”: F piitikaneewa, M piihtikanɛɛw, O piintikanaat; here C has the reshaped piihtokaheew, with -h, §80; 278 *piintwikataawa “he brings it inside”: F piitikatoowa, C piihtokataaw, M piihtikataaw, O piintikatoot. This pair is added to pyaa- “come,” 205205 *pyeewa “he comes”: F pyeewa, M piiw, with the unique irregularity of aa~ee: 279 *pyeeθeewa “he brings him”: F pyeeneewa, M piinɛɛw, O piinaat; tr. inan. pyeetoo-, 1111 *pyeetaawa “he brings it”: F pyeetoowa (inflectional ending reshaped), M piitaaw, O pitoot, 111111 *nepyeeto “I bring it”: F nepiito, M nepiitoon, O nimpiitoon (here M and O have added a tr. inan. ending).

There are many primary formations, such as miikaaθ-, 7878 *miikaaθeewa “he fights him”: F miikaaneewa, M meekaanɛɛw, O miikaanaat, miikaat-, 220220 *miikaatamwa “he fights it”: M meekaatam, O miikaatank, “fight.” Similarly, kyaaθ-, 233233 *kyaaθeewa “he hides him”: C kaateew, M kianɛɛw, O kaanaat, kyaatoo-, 1010 *kyaataawa “he hides it”: C kaataaw, M kiataaw, O kaatoot; reshaped in F kyaatamwa, “hide.” 280 *nooçkwaaθeewa “he licks him”: C noohkwaateew, M nuuhkwanɛw, O nooskwaanaat; tr. inan. nooçkwaat-, 3030 *nooçkwaatamwa “he licks it”: F nooškwaatamwa, C noohkwaatam, M nuuhkwatam, O nooskwaatank.

An odd pseudo-tr. inan. is naate-, 118118 *nenaate “I fetch it” (pseudo-tr.): F nenaate, C ninaatin, M nenaaten, O ninaatin; the last three with tr. inan. ending added, 119119 *naatwa “he fetches it”: F naatwa, M naatwah (second syllable restored on the model of stems with short vowel in the first syllable), O naati (leveled out), C naatam (reshaped into tr. inan. inflection), which goes with tr. an. naaθ-: 281 *naaθeewa “he fetches him”: F naaneewa, C naateew, M naanɛɛw, O naanaat. Another odd pair is tr. an. eθ- (with irregularity of inflection, §§38, 40) and tr. inan. et-: 282 *etamwa “he says so to it, calls it so, says it so”: F itamwa, C itam, M etaam, O itank. Somewhat different are tr. an. koqθ- “fear,” 4444 *koqθeewa “he fears him”: F koseewa, C kosteew, M koqnɛw, O kossaat, and neqθ- “kill,” 144144 *neqθaawa “he was killed”: M nɛqnaw, O nissaa. The tr. inan. mates are not alike: 283 *koqtamwa “he fears it”: F kohtamwa, C kostam, M koqtam, O kottank; 284 *neqtaawa “he kills it”: F nehtoowa (with the usual leveling of the vowel), M nɛqtaw, O nittoot.

Longer forms, analyzable into prefinal plus final, have definite meanings, as -ahanθ “track, trail,” 4242 *wanahanθeewa “he loses the trail of him”: C wanahahteew, M wawaanahaahnɛw (reduplicated); compare O pimaqanaat “he tracks him” (with root pem-); the tr. inan is -ahantoo: M wawaanahaahtaw “he loses track of it,” O pimaqatoot “he follows the track of it.”

§82.

Tr. an. -m, with various tr. inan. pendants, has the specialized meaning “by speech, by thought.” Commonest is tr. inan. -nt; thus, to kiihkaam-, 4949 *kiihkaameewa “he berates him”: C kiihkaameew, M keehkamɛw, O kiikkaamaat, there corresponds 285 *kiihkaantamwa “he berates it”: C kiihkaahtam, M keehkaahtam, O kiikkaantank; 286 *akimeewa “he counts him, them”: C akimeew, M akeemɛɛw, O akimaat; 287 *akintamwa “he counts it, them”: C akihtam, M akeehtam, O akintank. From this there is a deverbal pair -akim, -akint, 236236 *eθakimeewa “he counts, values him so”: C itakimeew, M enaakemɛw, O inakimaat, 237237 *eθakintamwa “he counts, values it so”: C itakihtam, M enaakehtam, O iinakintank.

Other instances, of tr. an. -m are 1616 *kwiiθomeewa “he longs for him”: F kwiinomeewa, M kiinomɛw, O kwiinomaat, 5050 *poonimeewa “he stops talking to him”: F poonimeewa, C poonimeew, M poonemɛw, O poonimaat, 7676 *pyeečimeewa “he calls him hither”: C peečimeew, M piičemɛw.

Peculiar is -m, -ot in aačim-, 243243 *aačimeewa “he tells of him”: F aačimeewa, C aačimeew, M aačemɛw, O aačimaat, and 288 *aatotamwa “he tells of it”: C, M aatotam, O aatotank.

p. 113

The longer form -am, -ant means “by mouth, eat, bite”: 289 *eθameewa “he bites or eats him so”: M enaamɛɛw, O inamaat; 290 *eθantamwa “he bites or eats it so”: F inatamwa, M enaahtam, O inantank.

With a longer prefinal, -eelem, -eelent means “by thought,” as in 4848 *pooneelemeewa “he stops thinking of him”: F pooneenemeewa, C pooneeyimeew, M poonɛɛnemɛw, O pooneenimaat; 291 *pooneelentamwa “he ceases thinking of it”: F pooneenetamwa, C pooneyihtam, M poonɛɛnehtam, O pooneentank.

In many formations, however, tr. an. -m, with its various inan. pendants, has not this specialized meaning; thus, waapam-, 125125 *waapameewa “he looks at the other one”: F waapameewa, C waapameew, M waapamɛw; O has lost this form, replacing it by one of a different mode, waapant-, 134134 *waapantamwa “he looks at it”: F waapatamwa, C, M waapahtam, mean “look at.” From this pair there is derived a pair of deverbal suffixes -aapam, -aapant: 292 *eθaapameewa “he looks at him so”: F inaapameewa, C itaapameew, M enaapamɛw, O inaapamaat; 293 *eθaapantamwa “he looks at it so”: F inaapatamwa, C itaapahtam, M enaapahtam, O inaapantank.

Another common pair with unspecialized meaning, is 294 *pakameewa “he strikes him”: F pakameewa, M pakaamɛɛw; 295 *pakantamwa “he strikes it”: F pakatamwa, M pakaahtam.

A common extended form is -oom, -oont “carry on one’s back”: 296 *pyeetoomeewa “he carries him hither on his back”: F pyeetoomeewa, M piitoomɛɛw, O piitoomaat; 297 *pyeetoontamwa “he carries it hither on his back”: F pyeetootamwa, M piitoohtam, O piitoontank.

The common pair -hšim, -hθetoo has the prefinal part -hθ which occurs also in other formations, §57, examples, 166166 *ešihšimeewa “he lays him so”: C isisimeew, M eseehsemɛw, O išiššimaat, 167167 *ešihθetaawa “he lays it so”: F išisetoowa, C isihtitaaw, M eseehnetaw, O išissitoot. Similarly, with prefinal -nt, 264264 *akwinčinwa “he is in water”: C akohčin, M akiihčen, O akwinčin, 265265 *akwinteewi “it is in water”: F akwiteewi, C akohteew, M akiihtɛw, O akwintee, the tr. suffixes are -nčim, -nčitoo: 298 *akwinčimeewa “he puts him in water”: M akiihčemɛw, O akwinčimaat; 299 *akwinčitaawa “he puts it in water”: M akiihčetaw, O akwinčitoot.

Tr. an. -em is added to possessed noun themes: from wekwiqs- “his son,” 3838 *nekwiqsa “my son”: F nekwisa, C nikosis (diminutive), M nekiiqs, O ninkwiss, there is tr. an. wekwiqsem- “have or treat as a son”, 184184 *wekwiqsemeewa “he has him as a son”: F okwisemeewa, M okiiqsemɛw, O okwissimaat.

Tr. an. -m is added to an. intr. stems that contain the root wiit- “along with,” §103, making verbs of accompaniment; thus, from wiixpee- “sleep with others,” there is wiixpeem- “sleep with,” 5555 *wiixpeewa “he sleeps with someone”: F wiihpeewa, M weehpɛw; *weexpeemeewa “he sleeps with him”: F wiihpeemeewa, M weehpemɛw; but C has here hp (loanword?): wiihpeemeew. The underlying stem need not occur in inflected forms. Thus, an an. intr. stem wiitapi- “sit with others” is not quotable, but the derived tr. an. is usual: 300 *wiitapimeewa “he sits with him” (especially, “with her,” as a symbol of marriage): C wiitapimeew, M weetapemɛɛw, O wiitapimaat. Often the underlying stem is a compound with the preverb *wiiči “along”: O anokkii “he works,” wiiči-anokkiimaat “he works along with him”; C meetaweew “he contends, he plays,” wiiči-meetaweemeew “he contends or plays with him.”

§83.

A very common pair is tr. an. and inan. -en “by hand.” Thus, our examples 44 *wentenamwa “he takes it from there”: F otenamwa, C ohtinam, M ohtɛɛnam, O ontinank, 1717 *wempenamwa “he lifts it up”: C ohpinam, O ompinank: compare F opaaškeewi "it flies up” and M ohpɛɛqnen “it is blown upward.”, 2323 *peqtenamwa “he takes it by error”: C pistinam, M pɛqtɛnam, O pittinank; compare F pehtenaweewa “he shoots him by error.”, 7474 *kaweneewa “he prostrates him by hand”: F kaweneewa, C kawineew, M kawɛɛnɛɛw, O kawinaat, 8585 *nakaaneewa “he stops him by hand”: C nakaaneew, M nakaanɛɛw, O nakaanaat, 8686 *ašyeenamwa “he pushes it back, rejects it”: C aseenam, M asiinam, O ašeenank, are matched as follows: 301 *wenteneewa “he takes him from there by hand”: F oteneewa, C ohtineew, M ohtɛɛnɛɛw, O ontinaat; 302 *wempeneewa “he lifts him up”: C ohpineew, O ompinaat; 303 *peqteneewa “he takes him by mistake”: C pistineew, M pɛqtɛnɛɛw; 304 *kawenamwa “he p. 114 knocks it down by hand”: C kawinam, M kawɛɛnam, O kawinank; 305 *nakaanamwa “he stops it by hand”: C, M nakaanam; 306 *ašyeeneewa “he pushes him back, rejects him”: C aseeneew, M asiinɛɛw, O ašeenaat.

§84.

In some pairs the tr. an. differs from the tr. inan. by a plus of w.

Very common is -ahw, -ah “by tool, instrument, or medium.” Thus, beside 66 *kiiškahamwa “he chops it through”: F kiiškahamwa, C kiishakam, M keeskaham, O kiiškaqank, there is 307 *kiiškahweewa “he chops him through”: C kiiskahweew, M keeskahɛw, O kiiškawaat.¹⁴¹⁴ Wherever the w of the suffix tr. an. -ahw is not merged with a following e to yield PA o (§18), there O drops the preceding q (< h) and M drops the w.

Also common is -esw, -es “by heat,” 225225 *kiišesweewa “he cooks him done”: C kiisisweew, M kiisesiw, O kiišiswaat, 226226 *kiišesamwa “he cooks it done”: F kiišesamwa, C kiisisam, M keesesam, O kiišisank. With 212212 *paaškesamwa “he shoots it”: C paaskisam, O paaškisank compare the tr. an. 308 *paaškesweewa “he shoots him with a gun”: F paaškesweewa, C paaskisweew, O paaškiswaat; M, with medial -ečyee- “whole body, belly,” paaskecisiiw. In some stems the suffixes are -sw, -s, preceded by various consonants; thus wensw-, wens-, 229229 *wensweewa “he brings him to boiling”: M ohsiiw, O onswaat, 230230 *wensamwa “he brings it to boiling”: M ohsaam, O onsank.

Another common pair of this type is -ešw, -eš “by cutting edge”: 309 *kiiškešweewa “he slices him through”: F kiiškešweewa, C kiiskisweew, M kiiskesiw, O kiiškišwaat; 310 *kiiškešamwa “he slices it through”: F kiiškešamwa, C kiiskisam, M keeskesam, O kiiškišank.

Somehwat different and far less common is the pair -pw, -pot “by mouth”: 311 *sakipweewa “he bites him”: M sakiipiiw, Shawnee neθakipwa “I bite him”; 312 *sakipotamwa “he bites it”: M sakeepotam, Shawnee neθakipota “I bite it.” These last two pairs also have variants with clusters instead of simple š and p.

There are a few short verbs of this general type: 313 *mešweewa “he hits him with a missile”: F mešweewa, C misweew, M mesiiw, O mišwaat; 314 *mešotamwa “he hits it with a missile”: M mesootam, O mišotank; for C Lacombe gives misam. 315 *pemweewa “he shoots him”: F pemweewa, C pimweew, M pemiiw, O pimwaat; 316 *pemotamwa “he shoots it”: F pemotamwa, C pimotam, M pemootam, O pimotank. Tr. an. only is the common verb 317 *amweewa “he eats him”: F amweewa, O amwaat; C moweew, M miiw lack the initial vowel, but it is present in the deverbal suffix -amw: C kitamweew “he eats all of him,” M ketaamiiw; M mɛɛqtamiw “he eats them till all are gone.” The place of a tr. inan. is taken by the pseudo-transitive an. intr. miiči-, 246246 *miičiwa “he eats it”: F miičiwa, C miičiw, M miičwah (inflwection reshaped), O miiči.

§85.

In various pairs the tr. an. has a plus of -aw. Some of these admit of no plain analysis. Thus, beside tr. an. meθkaw-, 2828 *nemeθkawaawa “I find him”: F nemehkawaawa, C nimiskawaaw, M nemɛɛhkawaw, O nimikkawaa, Penobscot nəməskawα, there is tr. inan. meθk-: 318 *meθkamwa “he finds it”: F mehkamwa, C miskam, M mɛkhaam, O mikkank. Another unique pair is noontaw-, noont-, 214214 *noontamwa “he hears it”: M noohtam, O noontank, 215215 *noontaweewa “he hears him”: F nootaweewa, M noohtawɛw, O noontawaat.

Other pairs have more clear-cut suffixes. Thus, -qtaw, -qt is added to an. intr. stems, for action relative to an object, as in the following set: 319 *aθoxkyeewa “he works”: F anohkyeewa, C atoskeew, M anohkiiw (with irregular vowel quantities, perhaps borrowed from O) O anokkii, Penobscot alohke; 320 *aθoxkyeeqtaweewa “he works for or at him”: C atoskeestaweew, M anohkiiqtawɛw, O p. 115 anokkiittawaat; 321 *aθoxkyeeqtam “he works at it”: M anohkiiqtam, anokkiitank.

Very common in primary derivation is -eškwa, -ešk “by foot or body-movement,” with a probably dissimilative variant -ehkaw, -ehk; -ešk, -ehk reappear in the intransitive finals -eškaa, -ehkaa, 266266 *papaameškaawa “he goes about”: C papaamiskaaw, M papaameskaw, O papaamiškaa, 267267 *peesehkaawa “he, it moves slowly”: M pɛɛsɛhkaw, O peesikkaa, but C peesiskaaw, probably reshaped. Thus, beside tankeškaw-, 2525 *tankeškaweewa “he kicks him”: F takeškaweewa, C tahkiskaweew, M tahkɛɛskawɛw, O tankiškawaat, the tr. inan. is 322 *tankeškamwa “he kicks it”: F takeškamwa, C tahkiskam, M tahkɛɛskam, O tankiškank; 323 *neqtaasehkaweewa “he comes to him relieving his loneliness”: C nistaasihkaweew, M nɛqtasɛhkawɛɛw, O nittaasikkawaat.

Another common pair is -ehtaw, -eht “hear”: 324 *natohtaweewa “he tries to hear him, listens for him”: C nitohtaweew, M natoohtawɛw, O nantottawaat; 325 *natohtamwa “he listens for it”: C natohtam, M natoohtam, O nantottank.

The pair -naw, -n has to do with perception, especially “by sight”: 326 *ešinaweewa “he sees him so”: C isinaweew, O išinawaat; 327 *ešinamwa “he sees it so”: C isinam, O išinank.

The pair -elaw, -el means “shoot (with arrow or gun)”: 328 *wentelaweewa “he shoots him from there”: F otenaweewa, M ohtɛɛnawɛw, O ontinawaat; compare C niisoyaweew “he shoots two of them” (root niišw- “two”): 329 *wentelamwa “he shoots it from there”: M ohtɛɛnam, O ontinank.

§86.

Tr. an. -amaw is added to tr. inan. stems, forming double-goal verbs, §27. This, from waapant- “look at,” 134134 *waapantamwa “he looks at it”: F waapatamwa, C, M waapahtam: 330 *waapantamaweewa “he looks at something for or on him”: F waapatamaweewa, C waapahtamaweew, O waapantamawaat. Similarly, wiintamaw-, 7171 *newiintamawaawa “I tell it to him”: F newiitamawaawa, C niwiihtamawaaw, M neweehtamowaaw, O niwiintamawaa, is made from wiint-, 334334 *wiintamwa “he names it, tells it”: C wiihtam, M weehtam, O wiintank.

One common verb has no underlying tr. inan. and diverges in having no second object: 331 *naatamaweewa “he helps him”: C naatamaweew, M naatamowɛɛw, O naatamawaat.

The few recorded tr. inan. forms corresponding to tr. an. -amaw (e.g., M naatamatam “he helps it”) diverge too greatly to permit of a reconstruction.

When the tr. inan. member of a pair is pseudo-transitive, the double-object derivative is made with -aw (M has the phonetically queer -uw), before which the final vowel of the pseudo-tr. is dropped. Thus, from ešihtoo-, 2222 *ešihtaawa “he makes it so”: F išihtoowa (ending reshaped), C isiihtaaw, M eseehtaw, O išittoot: 332 *ešihtaweewa “he makes it so for him”: F išihtaweewa, M esiihtuwɛw, O išittawaat. Similarly, from naate-, 118118 *nenaate “I fetch it” (pseudo-tr.): F nenaate, C ninaatin, M nenaaten, O ninaatin; the last three with tr. inan. ending added, 119119 *naatwa “he fetches it”: F naatwa, M naatwah (second syllable restored on the model of stems with short vowel in the first syllable), O naati (leveled out), C naatam (reshaped into tr. inan. inflection): 333 *naataweewa “he fetches it for him”: F naataweewa, M naatuwɛw.

§87.

We come now to a number of common but isolated verbs. Tr. an. miil- “give something to,” 8181 *miileewa “he gives it to him”: F miineewa, C miyeew (Woodland C miineew), M meenɛɛw, O miinaat; compare Shawnee nimiila “I give it to him”, has no tr. inan. by its side and functions as a double-object verb. A few tr. an. verbs end in clusters with l, as aql- “place,” 4747 *aqleewa “he places him”: F aseewa, C aheew, M aqnɛw, O assaat; its pendant is the pseudo-tr. aqtoo-, 240240 *aqtaawa “he places it, has it”: F ahtoowa, C astaaw, M aqtaw, O attoot. Beside wiinl- “name,” 4545 *wiinleewa “he names him”: F wiineewa, C wiiheew, M weehnɛw, O wiinaat, there is 334 *wiintamwa “he names it, tells it”: C wiihtam, M weehtam, O wiintank. No tr. inan. is recorded for 335 *noonleewa “she suckles him”: C noohew, M noohnɛw, O noonaat.

Other divergent verbs end in w, as wiičyeew-, 190190 *wiičyeeweewa “he accompanies him”: F wiičeeweewa, C wiičeeweew, M wiičiiwɛɛw, O wiičiiwaat: 336 *neeweewa “he p. 116 sees him”: F neeweewa, M nɛɛwɛɛw. F has here the tr. inan. neetamwa “he sees it”; M has a pseudo-tr. nɛɛmwah (representing a stem neeme-).

88, 89. Pronouns

§88.

A set of personal pronouns is based on a suffix -iil- with prefixes. Singulars have an ending -a; plurals have endings like those of §30, in part differing in the different languages: 337 *niila “I”: F niina, C niya, M nenah, O niin; 338 *wiila “he, it”: C wiya, M wenah, O wiin; 339 *niilaana “we excl.”: F niinaana, C niyaan; 340 *kiilwaawa “ye”: F kiinwaawa, C kiyawaaw, M kenuaq, O kiinawaa.

§89.

The languages agree in having other sets of pronouns: demonstrative, indefinite, and interrogative, each in several varieties, but there is little agreement among them. The following are some of the few agreements. 341 *awiyaka “someone, anyone” (sg. or pl.): C awiyak, M weyak; but O awiya. C and M have a special obviative form for this: 342 *awiyali “some (other) one, any (other) one”: C awiyah, M weyan. 343 *keekoohi “something, anything” (sg. or pl.): F keekoohi, M kɛɛkooh, O keekoo; but C keekwa, kiikwa diverges. 344 *aween- “who is it?”: F weeneeha; M awɛɛq, awɛɛniq, O aweeneešš; but C awiina. 345 *weekw- “what is it?”: F weekoneehi, M wɛɛkiq, O weekoneešš. The interrogative pronouns are predicative, hence an accompanying verb is in conjunct or interrogative order: M piiw “he comes”; awɛɛq payiat? “who (is it that) comes?”

In general, pronouns are capable of predicative use: F iin ee-nepeyaani “this (is) when I die.” In M, pronouns have special predicative inflections: eneh “that,” but eneq as nepɛɛyan “this (is) when I die.” O has a special predicative particle mii: mii šikwa wii-ni-maačaayaan “now (is when) soon I must go.”

90–93. Particle finals

§90.

Many particles, differing from language to language, cannot be referred to recurrent roots. There are a very few correspondences: 346 *keehi “additive limiting” (placed after the first word of the modified expression): F keehi, M kɛɛh; for instance M eneq kɛɛh nenah “that is enough for me” (eneq “it is that,” nenah “I”).

Especially as to particles of negation there is great discrepancy: F aakwi, awita (with potential), kaata (with prohibitive); C nama (nama wiya), eekaa (in clause and prohibition); M kan, kat (in clause), poon (in prohibition); O kaa (kaa wiin), keekwa (in prohibition); Shawnee mata; Potawatomi čoo.

§91.

Many particles were made from roots with suffix -i. Thus, from eθ- “thus, thither”: 347 *eši “thus, thither”: F iši (preverb), C isi (also preverb and prenoun), M es (preverb), eseeh (prenoun), O iši (preverb and prenoun). Other examples 3535 *keqči “big, much”: F kehči, C kisči, M kɛɛqč, O kičči, 9090 *weepi “begin”: F weepi-pyeetoseewa “he starts to walk hither,” M wɛɛp-piitohnɛw, O weepi-kimiwan “it starts to rain.”, 9191 *meeqči “to exhaustion”: C meešci-nipaheew “he kills them all,” M nemɛɛqč-aqsekɛnan “I pick it all up.”, 9292 *weški “new”: C oski-wiikihtowak “they are newly married,” M oskeeh-weekehtowak, 162162 *waapi “white”: F waapi-nenoswa “white buffalo,” C waapi-maakwa “white loon,” M waap-mianiiw “white owl,” O waapi-kaak “white porcupine”, 163163 *mači “bad”: F mači-metemooha “bad old woman,” C mači-mahkisin “worthless shoe,” M mačeeq-mahkɛɛsen, O mači-očiččaak “evil spirit.”, 179179 *eleni (prenoun) “ordinary, plain”: C iyini, M enɛɛn (as enɛɛn-apuan “ordinary roast: corn bread”).

The lower numeral particles are of this form: 348 *nekotwi “one”: F nekoti, M nekot. C and O have this root in other words, but for the independent particle p. 117 O has peešik (which appears also in some of the New England languages) and C the unique peeyak. 349 *niišwi “two”: F niišwi, C niiso, M niis, O niiš. 350 *neqθwi “three”: F neswi, C nisto, M nɛqniw, O nisswi. 351 *nyeewwi “four”: F nyeewi, C neewo, M niiw, O niiwin. 352 *nyaalanwi “five”: nyaananwi, M nianan, O naanan; C niyaanan is probably a borrowed form.

The higher numbers are made with longer suffixes, partly from the same roots, but there is much divergence among the languages: 353 *nekotwaašika “six”: F nekotwaašika, C nikotwaasik; but M nekuutuasetah and O ninkotwaasso diverge. 354 *neqšwaašika “eight”: F nešwaašika, M suasek (reshaped initial); but O niššwaasswi. 355 *metaatahθe “ten”: C mitaataht, M metaatah; but F metaaswi, O mintaasswi.

§92.

Particles of place are derived from noun stems by suffix -enki, 6161 *wiikenki “at his house”: F owiikeki, C wiikihk, M weekeh, 6262 *aqseninki “on the stone”: F aseniki, M aqsɛneh, 6464 *meqtekonki “on a stick or tree”: F mehtekoki, C mistikohk, M mɛqtekoh, O mittikonk; -enki is less common as a primary final, 21.

§93.

The suffix -e is added to combinations of root and medial, forming particles of exocentric meaning, parallel with the compound noun forms of §54. 356 *nekotwikamike “in one houseful”: F nekotikamike, M nekuutikamek, O ninkotokamik. 357 *piintwike “in the house, inside”: F piitike, M piihtik, O piintik. Some formations of this kind had -i, if we may judge by F: 358 *niišwaapyeeki “in two strings”: F niišwaapyeeki, C niiswaapeek, M niisuapiik. 359 *aθaamepyeeki “under the water”: F naamepyeeki, C ataamipeek, M anaamepik; O anaamipiink has the ending reshaped, as though with -enki, §92.

94–100. Medial suffixes

§94.

Medial suffixes appear in nouns, either with a noun final (182182 *piiwaapeθkwi “iron”: F piiwaapehkwi, C piiwaapisk, O piiwaapikk, -aapeθk- “stone, metal” with noun final -w) or alone (183183 *šenkwaaxkwa “pine tree”: F šekwaahkwa, O šinkwaakk; compare M askaah (pl. -kok) “white pine.”, -aaxkw- “wood solid”). No line can be drawn between medials in this use and concrete noun finals; we call a suffix medial when it appears also in other uses. When no root is present, the noun is dependent (-yaw- “body,” 77 *wiiyawi “his body”: F wiiyawi, C wiyaw, M weeyaw, O wiiyaw; -štikwaan- “head,” 2424 *weštikwaani “his head”: C ostikwaan, O oštikwaan; -alakačkw- “palate,” 3131 *nalakačkwi “my palate”: C nayakašk; the first syllable is reshaped in M nenaakačkon (plural only), O ninakašk; compare M kakiipanakačkow “he is dumb.”; -škiinšekw- “eye, face,” 3939 *neškiinšekwi “my eye”: F neškiišekwi, C niskiisik, M neskeehsek, O niškiinšik; -teeh- “heart,” 102102 *keteehi “thy heart”: F keteehi, C kitee, M ketɛɛh, O kiteeq). In intransitive verbs, medials appear before final suffixes, mostly an. intr. -ee- (-wik- “dwelling,” 1414 *piintwikeewa “he enters a dwelling”: F piitikeewa, C piihtokeew, M piihtikɛw, O piintikee) and -esi, -at (-ahkamik- “space,” 5151 *eθahkamikesia “he carries on so”: F inahkamikesiwa, C itahkamikisiw, M enaahkamekɛsew, O inakkamikisi) or else suffixes of more concrete meaning. In transitive verbs, medials appear before the finals (as in the M forms of 188188 *paaškisikee; compare, with medial -ečyee-, M paaskečisekɛw, 189189 *paaškesikani “gun”: F paaškesikani, C paaskisikan, O paaškisikan; compare M paaskečisekan, 212212 *paaškesamwa “he shoots it”: C paaskisam, O paaškisank, 308308 *paaškesweewa “he shoots him with a gun”: F paaškesweewa, C paaskisweew, O paaškiswaat; M, with medial -ečyee- “whole body, belly,” paaskecisiiw, with -ečyee- “whole body, belly”). In particles they appear in the types of §93 (-wik-, -wikamik- “dwelling,” -aapyeek- “elongated thing, string, row,” -epyeek- “water, liquid”).

Some medials do not form dependent nouns; others, especially those in dependent nouns of relationship, appear only here (2626 *noohkomehsa “my grandmother”: F noohkomesa, C noohkom (without diminutive suffix), M noohkomɛh, O nookkomiss, 3737 *nemihsa “my elder sister”: F nemiseeha (diminutive), C nimis, M nemeeh (pl. nemeehsak), O nimisseenq (diminutive), 3838 *nekwiqsa “my son”: F nekwisa, C nikosis (diminutive), M nekiiqs, O ninkwiss, 4040 *wemehšoomehsali “his grandfather”: F omešoomesani, C omosooma (without diminutive suffix), M omɛɛhsomɛɛhsan, O omiššomissan, 104104 *niiθemwa “my sister-in-law (man speaking), my brother-in-law (woman speaking)”: F niinemwa, C niitim, M neenem, O niinim, 105105 *oohθali “his father”: F oosani, C oohtaawiya (reshaped), M oohnan, O oossan, 106106 *noohšihsema “my grandchild”: F noošisema, C noosisim, M noohsehsɛh (diminutive -ehs replacing -em), O koošiss (-em lacking)). In a dependent noun a medial often has a divergent form, especially a premedial extension.

§95.

An extremely common medial is -aaxkw- “wood, solid”; its shape is entirely stable and it makes no dependent noun. In nouns it appears with zero final, as in 183183 *šenkwaaxkwa “pine tree”: F šekwaahkwa, O šinkwaakk; compare M askaah (pl. -kok) “white pine.”. Occasionally it (that is, strictly speaking, the combination of medial -aaxkw- plus noun final zero) serves as a secondary suffix. Thus, from aakim-, 170170 *aakima “snowshoe”: M aakem, O aakim: p. 118 360 *aakimaaxkwa “white ash tree”: C aakimask,¹⁵¹⁵ Cited Language (vol. 17, p. 307, 1941); not known to me. O aakimaakk, Penobscot αkəmahkw. Similarly, from the theme with prefix we- of a dependent noun, M oseetaah (pl. -kon) “axe handle” (possessed netoosetah “my ax handle”) from oseet “his foot,” 377377 *nesitali “my feet”: F nesitani, C nisita, M neseetan, O nisitan. With an. intr. -ee it appears in such forms as M keeskahaahkow “he fells trees,” O kiiškaqaakkwee. With other intr. finals: 361 *pemaaxkwihšinwa “he lies lengthwise as or on a solid”: M pemaahkihsen, O pimaakkwiššin; 362 *pemaaxkwihθenwi “it lies lengthwise as or on a solid”: F pemaahkwisenwi, M pemaahkihnɛn, O pimaakkwissin. 363 *kenwaaxkosiwa “he is a tall tree”: C kinwaaskosiw, M kenuahkosew, O kinwaakkosi; 364 *kenwaaxkwatwi “it is a long stick”: M kenuahkwat, O kinwaakkwat. With transitive finals: 365 *eθaaxkoneewa “he places him thus by hand as or on a solid; he thus arranges for him”: M enaahkonɛw, O inaakkonaat. 366 *sakaaxkwahamwa “he fastens it by tool to or as a solid”: F sakaahkwahamwa, C sakaaskwaham, M sakaahkwaham, O sakaakkwaqank. With particle final -e, it appears in forms like F otaahkwe :”from the wood, on that side of the wood,” čiikaahkwe “close to the solid.”

Similar to this is -aapeθk- “stone, metal.” It, however, takes final -w in nouns, 182182 *piiwaapeθkwi “iron”: F piiwaapehkwi, C piiwaapisk, O piiwaapikk. With intr. final: 367 *kiiškaapeθkyaa- “be a cut-off rock”: C kiiskaapiskaaw, O kiiškaapikkaa. With tr. finals: 368 *kešyaapeθkesweewa “he heats him as stone or metal”: C kisaapiskisweew, M kesiapɛhkɛsiiw, O kišaapikkiswaat; 369 *kešyaapeθkesamwa “he heats it as stone or metal”: C kisaapiskisam, M kesiapɛhkɛsam, O kišaapikkisank. In particles: 370 *niišwaapeθke “two pieces of metal; two coins, two dollars”: C niiswaapisk, M niisuapɛh, O niišwaapikk.

§96.

As an example of a medial with variable form we may cite -amy- “liquid,” which appears also with premedial -aa; in M, for instance, only this extended form is used in new formations. 371 *keqčikamyi “sea”: M kɛqčekam, Shawnee kčikami; compare C kihčikamihk “in the sea” and F kehčikamiiwi “sea.” 372 *tahkikamyiwi “it is cold water”: C tahkikamiw, M tahkiikamiw, O takkikami. With premedial -aa: 373 *meçwaakamyiwi “it is red liquid”: C mihkwaakamiw, M mɛhkuakamiw, O miskwaakamiw.

§97.

Among postmedial accretions, -ee and -ak are frequent, the latter especially before an. intr. -esi and inan. intr. -at. Both are present, for instance, in -epyeek- “water, liquid,” 359359 *aθaamepyeeki “under the water”: F naamepyeeki, C ataamipeek, M anaamepik; O anaamipiink has the ending reshaped, as though with -enki; the simple form -epy- appears in forms like M omaanep (pl. -yan) “spring of water,” mooskenɛpiiw “he, it is full of liquid” (with intr. final -ee); -epyee- appears in forms like M siinepinam “he wrings it out” (with tr. inan. final -en “by hand”). Postmedial -ak is present in -aapyeek- “string,” 358358 *niišwaapyeeki “in two strings”: F niišwaapyeeki, C niiswaapeek, M niisuapiik; compare -aapy- in forms like M mɛqtekuap “bowstring” and -aapyee- in forms like M sakaapiinɛɛw “he holds him by a string, by reins” (with tr. an. -en “by hand”). Similarly, -weeweek- “noise,” 1212 *pyeetweeweekesiwa “he comes with noise”: F pyeetweeweekesiwa, M piitiwɛɛkesew, O pitweeweekisi, has -ee and -ak added to -weew-, as in M piitiiwɛɛw “it sounds hither” (< pyeet-weew-ee-); this, in turn, is an extension of -wee-, as in M eniitam “he makes it sound so” (< eθ-wee-t-). Similarly, -ekon- p. 119 “day” appears in particles: 374 *nyeewokoni “four days”: F nyeewokoni, M niiwokon, O niiyokon; and -ekonak- in verbs: 375 *nyeewokonakatwi “it is four days”: F nyeewokonakat, M niiwokonakat, O niiyokonakat.

§98.

Deverbal medials are largely the same as deverbal noun finals. Thus, the noun final -eθkweew “woman,” 198198 *wekimaaθkweewa “chief’s woman”: C okimaaskweew, O okimaakkwee; compare M okiimuuhkiw, without dropping of the final w of the underlying stem, appears as a medial before an. intr. -ee: 376 *pyeeteθkweeweewa “he brings a woman or women”: F pyeetehkweeweewa, M piitɛhkiwɛɛw, O piitikkweewee; compare C nootiskweeweew “he seeks a woman.” Similarly, -aqθemw “dog,” 181181 *waapaqθemwa “white dog”: C waapastim, M waapeskaaqnem (longer form of the root), O waapassim, in C sinikonastimweew “he pets his dog(s)”; -eqšip “duck,” 180180 *eleneqšipa “ordinary duck, mallard”: C iyinisip, O ininiššip, in C nootisipeew “he hunts ducks.”

§99.

Some medials occur unchanged as dependent noun stems, thus, -sit- “foot”: 377 *nesitali “my feet”: F nesitani, C nisita, M neseetan, O nisitan. This medial appears as a noun final, for instance, in M nekɛɛqčeset “my big toe” (normally in possessed form, but not a dependent noun, since it has the root keqt- “big”); before an. intr. -ee, M keeskesetɛɛw “he is cut off at the foot”; with postmedial -ee before tr. an. -ahw in M keeskesetɛɛhɛɛw “he chops off his foot,” O kiiškisiteepinaat “he tears off his foot”; with premedial -tala in F teewitanasiteekaapaawa “he stands with aching feet.”

Other medials have a discrepant form in dependent noun stems. Thus, -iipit- occurs as a dependent noun: 378 *niipitali “my teeth”: F niipitani, C niipita, M neepetan, O niipitan, but everywhere else the suffix is -aapit: 379 *saakaapiteewa “he teethes”: M saakaapetɛw, O saakaapitee. Extended -aapitak- appears in M nɛqnwapetakat “it is three-pronged.”

Some medials which begin with p, t, k have xp, ht, θk or xk in dependent nouns: 380 *nexkaatali “my legs”: F nehkaatani, C niskaata, M nɛkhaatan, O nikkaatan; compare Penobscot nkαt “my leg.” In all other uses the form is -kaat-: C kiiskikaat “person or animal with a leg cut off”; 381 *kiiškikaateewa “he is cut off at the leg”: C kiiskikaateew, M keeskekatɛɛw. Extended -kaatee-, for instance in M čeeqčepekaatɛɛqtaw “he jerks his legs.”

§100.

The pseudo-root -iit- “along, with, fellow” behaves like a root in every way except that, like medials, it never begins a word. It forms dependent nouns, such as M keetaqnɛm “thy fellow cur,” weetaqnɛmon “his fellow cur”; and it forms the dependent prenoun particle -iiči: 382 *niiči-elenyiwa “my fellow man”: C niiči-iyiniw, M neeč-enɛɛniw, O niiči-inini.

A pseudo-root -iil- appears in the personal pronouns, §88.

101–107. Roots

§101.

Roots are the most numerous type of morphologic element. Noun roots appear in a single primary noun, mostly with no plain suffix (miin-, 168168 *miinali “berries, blueberries” (sg. rarely used): C miinisa (diminutive), M meenan, O miinan), though many such stems end in w (aθemw-, 11 *aθemwa “dog”: Kickapoo anemwa, C atim, M anɛɛm, O anim). Rarely there is more than one noun (namee-, 175175 *nameewa “sturgeon”: C nameew, M namɛɛw, O namee, 177177 *nameekohsa “trout”: C nameekos, M namɛɛkoh (pl. -sak), O nameekoss, diminutive of a stem nameekw-, 178178 *nameepila “carp, sucker”: C nameepiy, M namɛɛpen, O nameepin). General roots appear in primary verbs and particles and in nouns with concrete suffixes (elen-, 180180 *eleneqšipa “ordinary duck, mallard”: C iyinisip, O ininiššip, 193193 *elenaahtekwa “ordinary wood or tree”: M enɛɛnaahtek “hardwood,” O ininaattik “maple.”). Some general roots, especially some short ones, occur in only one primary form or one pair or set of verbs: a-, 317317 *amweewa “he eats him”: F amweewa, O amwaat; C moweew, M miiw lack the initial vowel, but it is present in the deverbal suffix -amw: C kitamweew “he eats all of him,” M ketaamiiw; M mɛɛqtamiw “he eats them till all are gone.”; a- or p. 120 aq-, 4747 *aqleewa “he places him”: F aseewa, C aheew, M aqnɛw, O assaat, 5757 *aqteeki “when it is there”: F ahteeki, C asteek, M aqtɛk, O atteek, 240240 *aqtaawa “he places it, has it”: F ahtoowa, C astaaw, M aqtaw, O attoot; e-, 128128 *eθeewa “he says so to him”: F eneewa, C iteew, M enɛɛw, O inaat, 282282 *etamwa “he says so to it, calls it so, says it so”: F itamwa, C itam, M etaam, O itank; keeh-, 346346 *keehi “additive limiting” (placed after the first word of the modified expression): F keehi, M kɛɛh; ko- or koq-, 4444 *koqθeewa “he fears him”: F koseewa, C kosteew, M koqnɛw, O kossaat, 283283 *koqtamwa “he fears it”: F kohtamwa, C kostam, M koqtam, O kottank; mii-, 8181 *miileewa “he gives it to him”: F miineewa, C miyeew (Woodland C miineew), M meenɛɛw, O miinaat; compare Shawnee nimiila “I give it to him”; ne- or neq-, 144144 *neqθaawa “he was killed”: M nɛqnaw, O nissaa, 284284 *neqtaawa “he kills it”: F nehtoowa (with the usual leveling of the vowel), M nɛqtaw, O nittoot; nee-, 336336 *neeweewa “he sees him”: F neeweewa, M nɛɛwɛɛw; pe-, 315315 *pemweewa “he shoots him”: F pemweewa, C pimweew, M pemiiw, O pimwaat; py-, 205205 *pyeewa “he comes”: F pyeewa, M piiw; t-, 248248 *teewa “he exists”: M tɛɛw, O tee. A root me- is demanded by 2828 *nemeθkawaawa “I find him”: F nemehkawaawa, C nimiskawaaw, M nemɛɛhkawaw, O nimikkawaa, Penobscot nəməskawα, 318318 *meθkamwa “he finds it”: F mehkamwa, C miskam, M mɛkhaam, O mikkank, but also, with divergent meaning, by 313313 *mešweewa “he hits him with a missile”: F mešweewa, C misweew, M mesiiw, O mišwaat. Other roots range through all degrees of freedom, with much difference among the languages. The following are examples of freely used roots: akw- “adhere, be on,” 264264 *akwinčinwa “he is in water”: C akohčin, M akiihčen, O akwinčin, 265265 *akwinteewi “it is in water”: F akwiteewi, C akohteew, M akiihtɛw, O akwintee, 298298 *akwinčimeewa “he puts him in water”: M akiihčemɛw, O akwinčimaat, 299299 *akwinčitaawa “he puts it in water”: M akiihčetaw, O akwinčitoot; ašyee- “reverse direction, back,” 8686 *ašyeenamwa “he pushes it back, rejects it”: C aseenam, M asiinam, O ašeenank, 306306 *ašyeeneewa “he pushes him back, rejects him”: C aseeneew, M asiinɛɛw, O ašeenaat; atoot- “on something,” 5454 *atooxpowa “he eats from upon something”: F atoohpowa, C atoospow, M atoohpow, O atooppo; aθaam- “underneath,” 201201 *aθameekwa “dead fish”: C atameek, M anaamɛɛk, 359359 *aθaamepyeeki “under the water”: F naamepyeeki, C ataamipeek, M anaamepik; O anaamipiink has the ending reshaped, as though with -enki; elen- “ordinary,” 1313 *elenyiwa “man”: F ineniwa, C iyiniw, M ɛnɛɛniw, O inini, 179179 *eleni (prenoun) “ordinary, plain”: C iyini, M enɛɛn (as enɛɛn-apuan “ordinary roast: corn bread”), 180180 *eleneqšipa “ordinary duck, mallard”: C iyinisip, O ininiššip, 193193 *elenaahtekwa “ordinary wood or tree”: M enɛɛnaahtek “hardwood,” O ininaattik “maple.”; ešp- “high,” 2121 *ešpemenki “up above”: F ahpemeki, C ispimihk, O išpimink; reshaped M espɛɛmiah ($lt;-iiwenki); kaw- “prostrate,” 4141 *kawenkwaqšiwa “he is sleepy”: F kawekwašiwa, C kawihkwasiw, M kakuuhkwaqsew (reduplicated and contracted, §19), O kawinkwašši, 7474 *kaweneewa “he prostrates him by hand”: F kaweneewa, C kawineew, M kawɛɛnɛɛw, O kawinaat, 261261 *kawačiwa “he freezes to prostration”: C kawačiw, M kawaačew, O kawači, 304304 *kawenamwa “he knocks it down by hand”: C kawinam, M kawɛɛnam, O kawinank; kenw- “long,” 252252 *kenosiwa “he is long”: F kenosiwa, C kinosiw, M kenoosew, O kinosi, 253253 *kenweewi “it is long”: M keniiw; reshaped in C kinwaaw, O kinwaa, 363363 *kenwaaxkosiwa “he is a tall tree”: C kinwaaskosiw, M kenuahkosew, O kinwaakkosi, 364364 *kenwaaxkwatwi “it is a long stick”: M kenuahkwat, O kinwaakkwat; kep- “cover up,” 262262 *kepatenwi “it freezes over”: F kepatenwi, M kepaaten, O kipatin; keqt- “big,” 3535 *keqči “big, much”: F kehči, C kisči, M kɛɛqč, O kičči, 371371 *keqčikamyi “sea”: M kɛqčekam, Shawnee kčikami; compare C kihčikamihk “in the sea” and F kehčikamiiwi “sea.”; kešy- “hot,” 368368 *kešyaapeθkesweewa “he heats him as stone or metal”: C kisaapiskisweew, M kesiapɛhkɛsiiw, O kišaapikkiswaat, 369369 *kešyaapeθkesamwa “he heats it as stone or metal”: C kisaapiskisam, M kesiapɛhkɛsam, O kišaapikkisank; kešyii- “speedy,” 1515 *kešyiipisowa “he speeds”: M kesiipesow, O kišiipiso; kiiš- “finish, done,” 225225 *kiišesweewa “he cooks him done”: C kiisisweew, M kiisesiw, O kiišiswaat–228; kiišk- “cut through, sever,” 66 *kiiškahamwa “he chops it through”: F kiiškahamwa, C kiishakam, M keeskaham, O kiiškaqank, 307307 *kiiškahweewa “he chops him through”: C kiiskahweew, M keeskahɛw, O kiiškawaat., 309309 *kiiškešweewa “he slices him through”: F kiiškešweewa, C kiiskisweew, M kiiskesiw, O kiiškišwaat, 310310 *kiiškešamwa “he slices it through”: F kiiškešamwa, C kiiskisam, M keeskesam, O kiiškišank, 367367 *kiiškaapeθkyaa- “be a cut-off rock”: C kiiskaapiskaaw, O kiiškaapikkaa, 381381 *kiiškikaateewa “he is cut off at the leg”: C kiiskikaateew, M keeskekatɛɛw; koohpat- “useless,” 1818 *koohpačiheewa “he ruins him”: C koohpačiheew, M koohpačehɛɛw, O kooppačihaat; maat- “move,” 142142 *waapantanlo “look thou at it”: F waapatano, C waapahta, M waapahtah, O waapantan; mat- “bad,” 163163 *mači “bad”: F mači-metemooha “bad old woman,” C mači-mahkisin “worthless shoe,” M mačeeq-mahkɛɛsen, O mači-očiččaak “evil spirit.”; meçkw- “red,” 2929 *meçkosiwa “he is red”: F meškosiwa, C mihkosiw (Swampy Cree mihtkosiw), O miskosi; compare M mɛhkoon, 6868 *meçkwaaki “when it is red”: F meškwaaki, C mihkwaak, O miskwaak; reshaped in M mɛhkiik, 373373 *meçwaakamyiwi “it is red liquid”: C mihkwaakamiw, M mɛhkuakamiw, O miskwaakamiw; meeqt- “exhaust,” 9191 *meeqči “to exhaustion”: C meešci-nipaheew “he kills them all,” M nemɛɛqč-aqsekɛnan “I pick it all up.”; melw- “good,” 397397 *melweelemeewa “he likes him”: F menweenemeewa, C miyweeyimeew, M meniinemɛw, O minweenimaat; meqθ- “big,” 203203 *meqθaapeewa “giant”: C mistaapeew, M mɛqnapɛɛw, O missaapee, 256256 *meqθekeθwa “he is big”: M mɛqnekɛn, C (reshaped) misikitiw, 257257 *meqšyeewi “it is big”: M mɛqsiw; inflection reshaped in F mešaawi, C misaaw; miit- “defecate,” 8383 *miitenkwaamwa “he defecates in his sleep”: C miitihkwaamiw (ending reshaped), M miitehkwamow (ending reshaped), O miitinkwaam, 8484 *miisiiwa “he defecates”: F miisiiwa, C miisiiw, M meeseew, O miisii; myaal- “spotted,” 200200 *myaalameekwa “catfish”: F myaanameekwa, C maayameek, O maanameek ; nakaa- “stop,” 8585 *nakaaneewa “he stops him by hand”: C nakaaneew, M nakaanɛɛw, O nakaanaat, 305305 *nakaanamwa “he stops it by hand”: C, M nakaanam; nekotw- “one,” 348348 *nekotwi “one”: F nekoti, M nekot. C and O have this root in other words, but for the independent particle p. 117 O has peešik (which appears also in some of the New England languages) and C the unique peeyak., 353353 *nekotwaašika “six”: F nekotwaašika, C nikotwaasik; but M nekuutuasetah and O ninkotwaasso diverge, 356356 *nekotwikamike “in one houseful”: F nekotikamike, M nekuutikamek, O ninkotokamik; niišw- “two,” 349349 *niišwi “two”: F niišwi, C niiso, M niis, O niiš, 358358 *niišwaapyeeki “in two strings”: F niišwaapyeeki, C niiswaapeek, M niisuapiik, 370370 *niišwaapeθke “two pieces of metal; two coins, two dollars”: C niiswaapisk, M niisuapɛh, O niišwaapikk; paašk- “burst,” 188188 *paaškisikee; compare, with medial -ečyee-, M paaskečisekɛw, 189189 *paaškesikani “gun”: F paaškesikani, C paaskisikan, O paaškisikan; compare M paaskečisekan, 212212 *paaškesamwa “he shoots it”: C paaskisam, O paaškisank, 308308 *paaškesweewa “he shoots him with a gun”: F paaškesweewa, C paaskisweew, O paaškiswaat; M, with medial -ečyee- “whole body, belly,” paaskecisiiw; peet- “slow,” 267267 *peesehkaawa “he, it moves slowly”: M pɛɛsɛhkaw, O peesikkaa, but C peesiskaaw, probably reshaped; pem- “along in space or time,” 5252 *pemipahtaawa “he runs by”: C pimipahtaaw, M pemeepahtaw, O pimipattoo (inflection reshaped); compare F pemipahowa, 269269 *pemohθeewa “he walks along”: F pemoseewa, C pimohteew, M pemoohnɛw, O pimossee, 361361 *pemaaxkwihšinwa “he lies lengthwise as or on a solid”: M pemaahkihsen, O pimaakkwiššin, 362362 *pemaaxkwihθenwi “it lies lengthwise as or on a solid”: F pemaahkwisenwi, M pemaahkihnɛn, O pimaakkwissin; peqt- “by accident,” 2323 *peqtenamwa “he takes it by error”: C pistinam, M pɛqtɛnam, O pittinank; compare F pehtenaweewa “he shoots him by error.”, 303303 *peqteneewa “he takes him by mistake”: C pistineew, M pɛqtɛnɛɛw; poon- “cease,” 4848 *pooneelemeewa “he stops thinking of him”: F pooneenemeewa, C pooneeyimeew, M poonɛɛnemɛw, O pooneenimaat, 5050 *poonimeewa “he stops talking to him”: F poonimeewa, C poonimeew, M poonemɛw, O poonimaat, 275275 *pooniheewa “he ceases from him, leaves him alone”: C pooniheew, M poonehɛw, O pooniqaat, 276276 *poonihtaawa “he ceases from it”: F poonihtoowa, C poonihtaaw, M poonehtaw, O poonittoot, 291291 *pooneelentamwa “he ceases thinking of it”: F pooneenetamwa, C pooneyihtam, M poonɛɛnehtam, O pooneentank; saak- “protrude, emerge,” 379379 *saakaapiteewa “he teethes”: M saakaapetɛw, O saakaapitee; sak- “seize hold,” 311311 *sakipweewa “he bites him”: M sakiipiiw, 312312 *sakipotamwa “he bites it”: M sakeepotam, Shawnee neθakipota “I bite it.”, 366366 *sakaaxkwahamwa “he fastens it by tool to or as a solid”: F sakaahkwahamwa, C sakaaskwaham, M sakaahkwaham, O sakaakkwaqank; sanak- “difficult,” 250250 *sanakesiwa “he is difficult, he is hard to get”: F sanakesiwa, M sanaakesew, O sanakisi, 251251 *sanakatwi “it is difficult”: F sanakatwi, M sanaakat, O sanaka; seek- “fright,” 33 *seekesiwa “he is afraid”: F seekesiwa, C seekisiw, M sɛɛkesew, O seekisi; tahk- “cool,” 6767 *tahkyaaki “when it is cool”: F tahkyaaki, C tahkaak, O takkaak; reshaped M tahkiik (representing -yee, transferred from a different inflectional form), 372372 *tahkikamyiwi “it is cold water”: C tahkikamiw, M tahkiikamiw, O takkikami; waap- “look; white; dawn,” 125125 *waapameewa “he looks at the other one”: F waapameewa, C waapameew, M waapamɛw; O has lost this form, replacing it by one of a different mode, 134134 *waapantamwa “he looks at it”: F waapatamwa, C, M waapahtam, 162162 *waapi “white”: F waapi-nenoswa “white buffalo,” C waapi-maakwa “white loon,” M waap-mianiiw “white owl,” O waapi-kaak “white porcupine”, 181181 *waapaqθemwa “white dog”: C waapastim, M waapeskaaqnem (longer form of the root), O waapassim, 199199 *waapimina (an.), *waapimini (inan.): F waapimini “maize,” C waapimin “white bead,” M waapemen (an.) “maize,” O (Cuoq) waapimin “apple.”, 247247 *waapiwa “he looks on”: F waapiwa, C waapiw, M waapew, O waapi, 258258 *waapanwi “it dawns”: F waapanwi, M, C, O waapan; wan- “disappear,” 4242 *wanahanθeewa “he loses the trail of him”: C wanahahteew, M wawaanahaahnɛw (reduplicated); compare O pimaqanaat “he tracks him” (with root pem-); weep- “begin,” 9090 *weepi “begin”: F weepi-pyeetoseewa “he starts to walk hither,” M wɛɛp-piitohnɛw, O weepi-kimiwan “it starts to rain.”; wemp- “upward,” 1717 *wempenamwa “he lifts it up”: C ohpinam, O ompinank: compare F opaaškeewi "it flies up” and M ohpɛɛqnen “it is blown upward.”, 302302 *wempeneewa “he lifts him up”: C ohpineew, O ompinaat; wešk- “new, young,” 9292 *weški “new”: C oski-wiikihtowak “they are newly married,” M oskeeh-weekehtowak.

No root is present in dependent stems and in certain verb inflections, 129129 *ketekwa “he says so to thee”: F ketekwa, C, O kitik, M ketɛɛkwah, 130130 *ekwa “the other says so to him”: F ekwa, M ekuah; C (regularized) itik, 133133 *keteθene “I say so to thee”: F ketene (haplologic), C kititin, M ketɛɛnen, O kitinin.

§102.

Relative roots refer to an antecedent in the phrase. For instance, a word containing the relative root eθ- “thither, thus,” 2222 *ešihtaawa “he makes it so”: F išihtoowa (ending reshaped), C isiihtaaw, M eseehtaw, O išittoot (3434 *ešihčikeewa “he makes things so”: F išihčikeewa, C isiihčikeew, M eseehčekɛw, O išiččikee, 241241 *ešihčikaasowa “he is (generally) made so”: M eseehčekaso, O išiččikaaso, 242242 *ešihčikaateewi “it is (generally) made so”: C isiihčikaateew, M eseehčekatɛɛw, O išiččikaatee, 332332 *ešihtaweewa “he makes it so for him”: F išihtaweewa, M esiihtuwɛw, O išittawaat), 4343 *ešihθenwi “it falls or lies thus”: F išisenwi, C isihtin, M eseehnen, O išissin, 5151 *eθahkamikesia “he carries on so”: F inahkamikesiwa, C itahkamikisiw, M enaahkamekɛsew, O inakkamikisi, 5353 *expahtaawa “he runs thither”: C ispahtaaw, M ehpaahtaw, O ippattoo; compare F ihpahowa, 165–167167 *ešihθetaawa “he lays it so”: F išisetoowa, C isihtitaaw, M eseehnetaw, O išissitoot, 236236 *eθakimeewa “he counts, values him so”: C itakimeew, M enaakemɛw, O inakimaat–239, 259259 *ešikiwa “he grows so, is so, fares so”: F išikiwa, M eseekew, 260260 *ešikenwi “it grows so, is so”: F išikenwi, M eseeken, 263263 *ešihšinwa “he falls so, he lies so”: C isisin, M eseehsen, O išiššin, 268268 *eθeentwa “he stays away so long”: F ineetwa, M enɛɛhtwah, O (inflection reshaped) eneenti, 270270 *eθaapiwa “he looks thither or thus”: F inaapiwa, C itaapiw, O inaapi, 274274 *ešiheewa “he makes him so”: C isiiheew, M eseehɛɛw, O išiqaat, 289289 *eθameewa “he bites or eats him so”: M enaamɛɛw, O inamaat, 290290 *eθantamwa “he bites or eats it so”: F inatamwa, M enaahtam, O inantank, 292292 *eθaapameewa “he looks at him so”: F inaapameewa, C itaapameew, M enaapamɛw, O inaapamaat, 293293 *eθaapantamwa “he looks at it so”: F inaapatamwa, C itaapahtam, M enaapahtam, O inaapantank, 326326 *ešinaweewa “he sees him so”: C isinaweew, O išinawaat, 327327 *ešinamwa “he sees it so”: C isinam, O išinank, 347347 *eši “thus, thither”: F iši (preverb), C isi (also preverb and prenoun), M es (preverb), eseeh (prenoun), O iši (preverb and prenoun), 365365 *eθaaxkoneewa “he places him thus by hand as or on a solid; he thus arranges for him”: M enaahkonɛw, O inaakkonaat, 392392 *eθaatesiwa “he is of that character”: C itaatisiw, M enaatesew, O inaatisi, such as M eseekew “he is thus, fares thus” or eseemen “such fruit,” makes sense only in phrases like kamaač eseekew “he is contrary,” kakiihkih eseemen “all kinds of fruit.” The antecedent is sometiems a particle in composition: M mɛɛhnow-eseekew “he is of good disposition.” However, the changed conjunct of a verb containing a relative root serves without an antecedent as a relative conjunct: M ɛɛseket “the way he is, the way he fares,” ɛɛs-pemaateset “the way he lives.” These forms appear especially as complements of nonverbal predicative forms (§89): F iin eeši-kanoonaači “that was they way he spoke to him”; M eneq ɛɛseket “that is the way he is,” taaq ɛɛs-pemaateseyan “how is it that thou farest?” The relative roots are ahkw- (cluster uncertain) “so far,” ahpiiht- (clusters uncertain) “to such intensity,” eθ- “thither, thus,” taθ- “there,” tahθ- “so many,” 146146 *tahšiwaki “they (an.) are so many”: F tašiwaki, C tasiwak, M tahseewak, O taššiwak, 147147 *eentahšiwaači “as many as they are”: F eetašiwaači, C eehtasiwaat (final consonant restored), M ɛɛhtahsetuaq (ending reshaped), O eentaššiwaat (in some dialects eentaššiwaač), went- “from there, therefore,” 44 *wentenamwa “he takes it from there”: F otenamwa, C ohtinam, M ohtɛɛnam, O ontinank, 3333 *wenčiiwa “he comes from there”: F očiiwa, C ohčiiw, M ohčeew, O ončii, 3636 *wensaapameewa “he sees him from there”: F osaapameewa, C osaapameew, M ohsaapamɛw, O onsaapamaat, 301301 *wenteneewa “he takes him from there by hand”: F oteneewa, C ohtineew, M ohtɛɛnɛɛw, O ontinaat, 328328 *wentelaweewa “he shoots him from there”: F otenaweewa, M ohtɛɛnawɛw, O ontinawaat; compare C niisoyaweew “he shoots two of them” (root niišw- “two”), 329329 *wentelamwa “he shoots it from there”: M ohtɛɛnam, O ontinank: 383 *eehkopyeekaθki “as far as the water extends”: F eehkopyeekahki, M ɛɛhkopikah, O eekkopiikakk. 384 *eehpiihtesiyaani “as powerful or as old as I am”: F eehpiihtesiyaani, M ɛɛhpeehteseyan, O eeppiittisiyaan. 385 *eentaθesiyani “where thou art active, where thou dwellest”: F eetanesiyani, M ɛɛhtanɛseyan, O eentanisiyan.

p. 121

§103.

Some roots in the several languages are derived from stems and themes, largely from nouns with the third person prefix we-; some such forms are inherited.

The most important instance is the root wiit- “along, with others,” 5555 *wiixpeewa “he sleeps with someone”: F wiihpeewa, M weehpɛw; *weexpeemeewa “he sleeps with him”: F wiihpeemeewa, M weehpemɛw; but C has here hp (loanword?): wiihpeemeew, 190190 *wiičyeeweewa “he accompanies him”: F wiičeeweewa, C wiičeeweew, M wiičiiwɛɛw, O wiičiiwaat, 300300 *wiitapimeewa “he sits with him” (especially, “with her,” as a symbol of marriage): C wiitapimeew, M weetapemɛɛw, O wiitapimaat, derived from the pseudo-root -iit-, §100; it appears also in the common preverb, 386 *wiiči “along, with”: C, O wiiči, §82, M weeč, as in weeč-asaaqsow “he is enrolled along with the others.”

Similarly, beside the dependent noun stem -iik- “dwelling,” 6161 *wiikenki “at his house”: F owiikeki, C wiikihk, M weekeh, there is a root wiik- “dwell”: 387 *wiikiwa “he dwells”: C wiikiw, M weekew (neweekem “I dwell”). This verb is distinct from the verb of possession, §68: 388 *wewiikiwa “he owns a dwelling”: C owiikiw, M oweekew (netooweekem “I own a dwelling”). M has also wiikiahtam “he dwells on the bank of it (a body of water)”. Nouns containing this root seem once to have been dependent: 389 *wiikiwaami “house”: M weekewam, O wiikiwaam, but O (Algonquin) miikiwaam. Similarly F wiikiyaapi “house,” but C miikiwaahp. There is some confusion between secondary derivatives of the dependent noun -iik- and derivatives of the root wiik-; thus F has owiikiwa “he dwells” and M makes rare possessed themes of the shape netooweekewam “the house I own” (in contrast with neek “my dwelling”).

Similarly, a few noun stems consist of a medial suffix with third person prefix, as though a theme of a dependent noun had been isolated: 390 *wexpenya “tuber, potato”: F ahpenya, M ohpɛɛn, O oppin, Penobscot ppən “ground nut.” Compare with this the medial suffix -xpeny-: M moonehpɛniiw “he digs potatoes.”

Occasionally a theme with prefix me- is elevated into a root. Thus, M meewahkapetaw “he ties it up in a pack” (< miiwaθkaa- ?) and F nemiiwašiweni “my pack” appear beside the dependent stem -iiwaθ-: 391 *niiwaši “my pack”: C niiwas (pl. niiwata), M neewas “my pack” (pl. neewanan), meewas “someone’s pack, a pack”; O wiiwaš “his pack”; the F noun is not quotable, but the verb of possession (§68) is recorded as owiiwašiwa “he has a pack.”

§104.

Some roots appear with postradical extensions, In a few cases these are meaningful, thus, pemaat- “live,” 22 *pemaatesiwa “he lives”: F pemaatesiwa, C pimaatisiw, M pemaatesew, O pimaatisi, 7575 *pemaačiheewa “he makes him live, restores him to life”: C pimaačiheew, M pemaačehɛw, O pimaačiqaat, beside pem-, §101. Similarly, beside eθ-, §102, there is eθaat-: 392 *eθaatesiwa “he is of that character”: C itaatisiw, M enaatesew, O inaatisi.

Most postradicals, however, have no clear meaning. Thus, beside waap- “white,” 162162 *waapi “white”: F waapi-nenoswa “white buffalo,” C waapi-maakwa “white loon,” M waap-mianiiw “white owl,” O waapi-kaak “white porcupine”, 181181 *waapaqθemwa “white dog”: C waapastim, M waapeskaaqnem (longer form of the root), O waapassim, 199199 *waapimina (an.), *waapimini (inan.): F waapimini “maize,” C waapimin “white bead,” M waapemen (an.) “maize,” O (Cuoq) waapimin “apple.”, there is waapešk-: 393 *waapeškesiwa “he is white”: F waapeškesiwa, C waapiskisiw, O waapiškisi; compare M waapeskɛn; 394 *waapeškyeewi “it is white”: F waapeškyaawi, C waapiskaaw, M waapeskiw, O waapiškaa.

A plus of postconsonantal w is especially common. Thus, some forms have kep-, 262262 *kepatenwi “it freezes over”: F kepatenwi, M kepaaten, O kipatin, but others kepw-: 395 *kepahamwa “he closes the opening of it with something”: C kipaham, M kepaaham, O kipaqank; compare F kepahikani “stopper”; 396 *keponamwa “he covers the opening of it with his hand”: C kiponam, M kepoonam. There are various such pairs; most roots in consonant plus w, on the p. 122 other hand, never lack the w, as, for instance, the very common root melw- “good”: 397 *melweelemeewa “he likes him”: F menweenemeewa, C miyweeyimeew, M meniinemɛw, O minweenimaat.

Quite a few roots appear sometimes with postconsonantal w and sometimes with aw. Thus, beside kwiiθw-, 1616 *kwiiθomeewa “he longs for him”: F kwiinomeewa, M kiinomɛw, O kwiinomaat, certain stems have kwiiθaw-: 398 *kwiiθaweelemeewa “he yearns for him”: C kwiitaweeyimeew, O kwiinaweenimaat. A common pair of this kind is natw- “seek,” 324324 *natohtaweewa “he tries to hear him, listens for him”: C nitohtaweew, M natoohtawɛw, O nantottawaat, 325325 *natohtamwa “he listens for it”: C natohtam, M natoohtam, O nantottank, nataw-, 271271 *natawaapiwa “he looks to see”: F natawaapiwa, C nitawaapiw, M nataawaapew, O nantawaapi.

§105.

Often the extended root has the shape of a stem, especially of a tr. inan. stem, as M keeskahaahkow “he fells trees,” §95, formed from a root M keeskah-, homonymous with (and historically no doubt abstracted from) the stem of tr. inan. keeskaham, 66 *kiiškahamwa “he chops it through”: F kiiškahamwa, C kiishakam, M keeskaham, O kiiškaqank. In a number of instances the simple root occurs only in one or two stems and it is only the extended root, with the shape of a tr. inan. stem, that is freely used. Thus, naa- “fetch” occurs only in tr. an. naaθ-, 281281 *naaθeewa “he fetches him”: F naaneewa, C naateew, M naanɛɛw, O naanaat, and pseudo-tr. inan. naate-, 119119 *naatwa “he fetches it”: F naatwa, M naatwah (second syllable restored on the model of stems with short vowel in the first syllable), O naati (leveled out), C naatam (reshaped into tr. inan. inflection), but the extended naat- is freely used: 399 *naatoontamwa “he fetches it carrying it on his back”: F naatootamwa, M naatoohtam. Similarly, py- “come” occurs only in an. intr. pyaa-, 205205 *pyeewa “he comes”: F pyeewa, M piiw; this has the secondary derivatives tr. an. pyeeθ-, 279279 *pyeeθeewa “he brings him”: F pyeeneewa, M piinɛɛw, O piinaat, pseudo-tr. inan. pyeetoo-, 1111 *pyeetaawa “he brings it”: F pyeetoowa (inflectional ending reshaped), M piitaaw, O pitoot, but, resembling this last stem, the extended root pyeet- is freely used, 1212 *pyeetweeweekesiwa “he comes with noise”: F pyeetweeweekesiwa, M piitiwɛɛkesew, O pitweeweekisi, 7676 *pyeečimeewa “he calls him hither”: C peečimeew, M piičemɛw, 272272 *pyeetaapanwi “dawn approaches”: F pyeetaapanwi, C peetaapan, O piitaapan, 296296 *pyeetoomeewa “he carries him hither on his back”: F pyeetoomeewa, M piitoomɛɛw, O piitoomaat, 297297 *pyeetoontamwa “he carries it hither on his back”: F pyeetootamwa, M piitoohtam, O piitoontank, 376376 *pyeeteθkweeweewa “he brings a woman or women”: F pyeetehkweeweewa, M piitɛhkiwɛɛw, O piitikkweewee; compare C nootiskweeweew “he seeks a woman.”. An odd but important root of this sort is pii- “enclose, inside.” The simple root occurs only in a pair of middle reflexive verbs: 400 *piinsowa “he is enclosed”: M peehsow, O piinso; 401 *piinteewi “it is enclosed”: M peehtɛw, O piintee. The corresponding tr. verbs would be tr. an. piinl-, tr. inan. piint-; these forms occur nowhere, apparently, as verb stems, but everywhere as extended roots. The form piinl- appears in one pair of tr. verbs: 402 *piinlahweewa “he encloses him in something”: F piinahweewa, M peehnahɛw, O pinawaat; 403 *piinlahamwa “he encloses it in something”: F piinahamwa, M peehnaham, O piinaqank. Except for these forms, all stems are made from the extended root piint-, 1414 *piintwikeewa “he enters a dwelling”: F piitikeewa, C piihtokeew, M piihtikɛw, O piintikee, 7777 *piinčihšinwa “he falls into an enclosed place”: C piihčisin, M peehcehsen, 357357 *piintwike “in the house, inside”: F piitike, M piihtik, O piintik.

§106.

Reduplicated roots occur especially in verb forms, with meanings such as repetition, plurality, or intensity. The regular type of reduplication prefixes the initial nonsyllabic plus aa: F waawaapameewa “he keeps looking at him” (beside 125125 *waapameewa “he looks at the other one”: F waapameewa, C waapameew, M waapamɛw; O has lost this form, replacing it by one of a different mode), M naaniis “two each” (beside 349349 *niišwi “two”: F niišwi, C niiso, M niis, O niiš); before a vowel, aay is prefixed M aayaačemow “he keeps narrating” (beside 244244 *aačimowa “he tells of himself, he narrates (his own experience)”: F aačimowa, C aačimow, M aačemow, O aačimo). There are various irregular types of reduplication: F kehkahweewa “he decides about him,” kekyeehkahweewa “he repeatedly decides about him”; M keeskeeskaham “he repeatedly chops it through” (beside 66 *kiiškahamwa “he chops it through”: F kiiškahamwa, C kiishakam, M keeskaham, O kiiškaqank); M poohkonam “he breaks it across by hand,” pooqpoohkonam “he repeatedly breaks it across.” More remote is papaam-, 266266 *papaameškaawa “he goes about”: C papaamiskaaw, M papaameskaw, O papaamiškaa, beside pem-, §101. The noun šiiqšiip-, 169169 *šiiqšiipa “duck”: F šiišiipa, C siisiip, M seeqsep, O šiiššiip, seems to show reduplication in a noun root.

§107.

In some cases the reduplicated root tends to suppletive use for plurals. Beside kenw- “long,” 252252 *kenosiwa “he is long”: F kenosiwa, C kinosiw, M kenoosew, O kinosi, 253253 *kenweewi “it is long”: M keniiw; reshaped in C kinwaaw, O kinwaa, 363363 *kenwaaxkosiwa “he is a tall tree”: C kinwaaskosiw, M kenuahkosew, O kinwaakkosi, 364364 *kenwaaxkwatwi “it is a long stick”: M kenuahkwat, O kinwaakkwat, the irregularly reduplicated kakaanw- is used where more than one long thing is involved, as M kakaanuahkosewak “they are tall trees” (beside 363363 *kenwaaxkosiwa “he is a tall tree”: C kinwaaskosiw, M kenuahkosew, O kinwaakkosi for the singular), kakaanuahkwaton “they are long sticks” p. 123 (sg. 364364 *kenwaaxkwatwi “it is a long stick”: M kenuahkwat, O kinwaakkwat); 404 *kakaanwaanexkweewa “he has long hair”: M kakaanuanɛhkow, O kakaanwaanikkwee; compare F kakaanohkweewa, Natick quanonuhquoant “having long hair” (Trumbull). Similarly M enɛɛken “he is so big,” ayiinekɛnok “they are so big” (would be ayyeeθ- beside eθ-); mɛqnekɛn “he is big,” 256256 *meqθekeθwa “he is big”: M mɛqnekɛn, C (reshaped) misikitiw, mamaahkekɛnok “they are big”; mɛqsiw “it is big,” 257257 *meqšyeewi “it is big”: M mɛqsiw; inflection reshaped in F mešaawi, C misaaw, mamaahkiwan “they (inan.) are big”; nahɛɛnesew “he is small,” nahɛɛnet “it is small,” papiasewak “they are small,” papeewaton “they (inan.) are small”; likewise the prenouns: mɛɛqč-enɛɛniw “big man,” mamaah-enɛɛniwak “big men.”

Footnotes

Footnotes

¹ Truman Michelson, Preliminary Report on the Linguistic Classification of Algonquian Tribes (28th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, 1912, pp. 221–290). « go to location in body

² A. L. Kroeber, The Languages of the Coast of California North of San Francisco (University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 9, Berkeley, 1910–1911, pp. 384–412, and 414–426); Truman Michelson, Two Alleged Algonquian Languages of California (American Anthropologist, n.s., vol. 16, Lancaster, Pa., 1914, pp. 361–367) and Rejoinder [to Sapir] (American Anthropologist, n.s., vol. 17, Lancaster, Pa., 1915, pp. 194–198); Gladys Reichard, Wiyot Grammar and Texts (University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 22, Berkeley, 1925, pp. 1–215); Edward Sapir, The Algonkin Affinity of Yurok and Wiyot Kinship Terms (Journal de la Société des Américanistes, n.s., vol. 15, Paris, 1923, pp. 37–74); C. C. Uhlenbeck, Infigeering op het gebied der Algonkin-Talen (Mededeelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde, Ser. A., vol. 69, Amsterdam, 1930, pp. 111–116). « go to location in body

³ Truman Michelson, Phonetic Shifts in Algonquian Languages (International Journal of American Linguistics, vol. 8, New York, 1935, pp. 131–171). « go to location in body

⁴ Frank T. Siebert, Jr., Certain Proto-Algonquian Consonant Clusters (Language, vol. 17, Baltimore, 1941, pp. 298–303). « go to location in body

⁵ Forms are cited in uniform inflection; especially, verbs are cited in the third person singular independent indicative (transitive verbs with obviative object), except for Ojibwa transitive verbs, where we give the conjunct form, because there the independent indicative has been replaced by another inflection (§42). Often, therefore, the cited inflectional form has been made by me from stems recorded in some other form of the paradigm.

Starred forms or forms with hyphens at the beginning or end are Proto-Algonquian. (Etymologies are preceded by numbers in italics for reference.) Abbreviations: > = “became”; < = “coming from”; ~ = “is replaced in alternation by”; an. = “animate”; C = “Cree”; exc. = “exclusive”; F = “Fox”; inan. = “inanimate”; inc. = “inclusive”; intr. = “intransitive”; M = “Menomini”; O = “Ojibwa”; obv. = “obviative”; PA = “Proto-Algonquian”; pl. = “plural”; sg. = “singular”; tr. = “transitive”; V = “vowel.” « go to location in body

⁶ The O form is in conjunct mode: “if he takes it from there”; cf. footnote 5. « go to location in body

⁷ We use y, w because it is likely that in some of the languages the syllabic and nonsyllabic values are no longer mechanically determined. Also, we set up such theoretical elements as nyeeww- “four.” « go to location in body

⁸ In setting up postconsonantal wi, yi for PA, we depart from earlier conclusions, which were prompted, at bottom, by the mistaken assumption that in PA l alternated with š. « go to location in body

⁹ Recognition of this fact dispenses with the cluster θš formerly set up for PA. « go to location in body

¹⁰ The fuss and trouble behind my note in Language (Vol. 4, pp. 99–100, 1928) would have been avoided if I had listened to O, which plainly distinguishes sk (< PA çk) from šk (< PA šk); instead, I depended on printed records which failed to show the distinction. « go to location in body

¹¹ James A. Geary, Proto-Algonquian *çk: Further Examples (Language, vol. 17, p. 307, 1941) shows what may lie behind some of the apparent discrepancies. « go to location in body

¹² Actually, all final vowels of C have an h-like off-glide. « go to location in body

¹³ Here, as in some other examples, the meaning is modern, but the habit of formation is old. « go to location in body

¹⁴ Wherever the w of the suffix tr. an. -ahw is not merged with a following e to yield PA o (§18), there O drops the preceding q (< h) and M drops the w. « go to location in body

¹⁵ Cited Language (vol. 17, p. 307, 1941); not known to me. « go to location in body